2LO
:CD
CO
John Knox's
History of the Reformation
in Scotland
Volume Two
K
John Knox's
History of the Reformation
in Scotland
Edited by William Croft Dickinson D.Lit.
Volume Two
505503
15. 3 60
Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd
London Edinburgh Paris Melbourne Toronto and New York
THOMAS NELSON AND SONS LTD
Parkside Works Edinburgh 9 3 Henrietta Street London WC2 312 Flinders Street Melbourne Ci
Thomas Nelson and Sons (Canada) Ltd 91-93 Wellington Street West Toronto i
Thomas Nelson and Sons 385 Madison Avenue New York 17
SociiTE FRANq;AisE d'Editions Nelsom 25 rue Henri Barbusse Paris V*
First published 1949
CONTENTS
VOLUME II
THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF RELIGION WITHIN THE REALM OF SCOTLAND
THE FOURTH BOOK i
THE FIFTH BOOK (by Knox's continuator) 135
APPENDICES
I "PATRICK'S PLACES" 219
II ALEXANDER SETON'S LETTER TO KING JAMES V 230
III THE CONDEMNATION AND MARTYRDOM OF GEORGE WISHART 233
IV THE LETTER OF JOHN HAMILTON, ARCHBISHOP OF ST. ANDREWS, TO ARCHIBALD, EARL OF ARGYLL ; AND ARGYLL'S ANSWERS THERETO 246
V THE "BEGGARS' SUMMONDS " 255
VI THE CONFESSION OF FAITH 257
VII THE FORM AND ORDER OF THE ELECTION OF SUPER- INTENDENTS, ELDERS, AND DEACONS 273
VIII THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE 280
IX ACTS OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL RELATING TO THE " THIRDS
OF THE BENEFICES" 326
X "ANE EPISTLE DIRECT FRA THE HOLYE ARMITE OF
ALLARIT, TO HIS BRETHEREN THE GRAY FREIRES " 333
GLOSSARY 337
A NOTE ON AUTHORITIES 343
GENEALOGICAL TABLES 351
GENERAL INDEX 353
THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE PROGRESS AND CONTINUANCE OF TRUE RELIGION
WITHIN SCOTLAND
PREFATIO
In the former Books, gentle reader, thou may clearly see how potently God hath performed in these our last and wicked days, as well as in the ages that have passed before us, the promises that are made to the servants of God, by the prophet Isaiah, in these words : " They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength ; they shall lift up the wings as the eagles ; they shall run, and not be weary ; they shall walk, and not faint." This promise, we say, such as Sathan hath not utterly blinded may see performed in us, the professors of Christ Jesus within this realm of Scotland, with no less evidence than it was in any age that ever hath passed before us. For what was our force ? What was our number ? Yea, what wisdom or worldly policy was into us, to have brought to a good end so great an enter- prise ? Our very enemies can bear witness. And yet in how great purity God did establish amongst us his true religion, as well in doctrine as in ceremonies ! To what confusion and fear were idolaters, adulterers, and all public transgressors of God's commandments within short time brought ? The public order of the Church, yet by the mercy of God preserved, and the punishments executed against malefactors, can testify unto the world. For, as touching the doctrine taught by our ministers, and as touching the administration of Sacraments used in our Churches, we are bold to affirm that there is no realm this day upon the face of the earth, that hath them in greater purity ; yea (we must speak the truth whomsoever we offend), there is none (no realm, we mean) that hath them in the like purity. For all others (how sincere that ever the doctrine be, that by some is taught), retain in their Churches, and the ministers thereof, some footsteps of Antichrist, and some dregs of papistry ; but we (all praise to God alone) have nothing within our Churches that ever flowed from that Man of Sin. ^ And this we acknowledge to be the strength given unto us by God, because we esteemed not ourselves wise in our own eyes, but understanding our whole wisdom to be but mere foolishness before our God, laid it aside, and followed only that which we found approved by himself
In this point could never our enemies cause us to faint, for our first petition was, " That the reverent face of the primitive and
' Cf. infra, 266-267, in The Confession of Faith, c. xviii.
4 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
The first apostoHc Church should be reduced * again to the eyes and know- the ^Pnt- ledge of men." ^ And in that point, we say, our God hath strengthened estantsof ^g ^-jjj jj^g^f ^j^g work was finished, as the world may see. And as
Scotland . . i r i i i- i •
concernmg the suppressmg oi vice, yea, and or the abolishmg of all such things as might nourish impiety within the realm, the acts and statutes of the principal towns reformed will yet testify. For what adulterer, what fornicator, what known mass-monger, or pestilent Papist, durst have been seen in public, within any reformed town within this realm, before that the Queen arrived ? And this victory to his word, and terror to all filthy livers, did our God work by such as yet live and remain witnesses (whether they will or not) of the foresaid works of our God. We say, our God suffered none of those, whom he first called to the battle, to perish or to fall till that he made them victors of their enemies. For even as God suffered none of those whom he called from Egypt to perish in the Red Sea, how fearful that ever the danger appeared, so suffered he none of us to be oppressed, nor yet to be taken from this life, till that more Pharaohs than one were drowned, and we set at freedom without ^ all danger of our enemies : to let both us and our posterity understand that such as follow the conducting of God cannot perish, albeit that they walked in the very shadow of death.
But from whence (alas) cometh this miserable dispersion of God's people within this realm, this day, anno 1566, in May ? ■* And what The cause is the cause that now the just are compelled to keep silence ; good men troubles of are banished ; murderers, and such as are known unworthy of the the Kirk common society (if just laws were put in due execution) bear the Scotland wholc regiment and swing ^ within this realm ? We answer, j'rorn'^the Bccausc that Suddenly the most part of us declined from the purity courtiers of God's word, and began to follow the world ; and so again to shake seemed to hands with the Devil, and with idolatry, as in this Fourth Book we
profess the ^[^ hg^r. avangel
For while that Papists were so confounded that none within the
' brought back '' Cf supra, i, 151- 152
' outside, that is, " beyond all danger from. . . "
* That is, when, following the murder of Riccio (9 March 1566) and Mary's escape with Darnley to Dunbar, Mary had summoned her forces in arms, the murderers had been denounced as rebels, many of " the godly " had fled from Edinburgh, and Knox himself had taken refuge in Kyle. According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (94) the Lords " with dolorous hearts " left Edinburgh on 17 March at seven in the morning, and Knox left the same day at two in the afternoon " with a great mourning of the godly of religion." This date, coming in the body of the text, and in the text hand (folio 301 verso) shows that at least the Preface to Book IV was written during Knox's retirement in the south- west. ' sway
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 5
realm durst more avow the hearing or saying of Mass than the thieves of Liddesdale durst avow their stowth ^ in presence of an upright judge, there were Protestants found that ashamed not at tables, and other open places, to ask, " Why may not the Queen have her own Mass, and the form of her religion ? What can that hurt us or our religion ? " And from these two, " Why " and •' What," at length sprang out this affirmative, " The Queen's Mass and her priests will we maintain : this hand and this rapier shall fight in their defence, etc."
The inconvenients were shown, both by tongue and pen ; but the advertisers were judged to be men of unquiet spirits. Their credit was defaced at the hands of such as before were not ashamed to have used their counsel in matters of greater importance than to have resisted the Mass. But then, my Lord, my Master, may not be thus used : he has that honour to be the Queen's brother ; and therefore we will that all men shall understand that he must tender her as his sister ; and whosoever will counsel him to displease her, or the least that appertains unto her, shall not find him their friend ; yea, they are worthy to be hanged that would so counsel him, etc.^
These and the like reasons took such deep root in flesh and blood that the truth of God was almost foryett ^ ; and from this fountain (to wit, that flesh and blood was, and yet, alas, is preferred to God, and to his messengers rebuking vice and vanity) hath all our misery proceeded. For as before, so even yet, although the ministers be set Thecor- to beg, the guard and the men-of-war must be served.^ Though ^^f"" the blood of the ministers be spilled, it is the Queen's servant that entered did it. Although Masses be multiplied in all quarters of the realm. Queen's who can stop the Queen's subjects to live of the Queen's religion ? ^^^'• Although innocent men be imprisoned, it is the Queen's pleasure : theology of she is offended at such men. Although under pretence of justice ^^nd'ihlir innocents be cruelly murdered ; the lords shall weep, but the reasons Queen's mind must be satisfied. Nobles of the realm, barons and councillors are banished, their escheats disponed, and their lives most unjustly pursued ; the Queen has lost her trusty servant Davy ^ ; he was dear unto her ; and therefore, for her honour's sake, she
' theft
^ The chief " advertiser " and " unquiet spirit " was, of course, Knox. " My Lord, my Master " was the Lord James Stewart, Mary's half-brother. Knox had openly broken with him at the end of May, 1 563 (infra, 78) , and in June 1 564 they were still so estranged that " neither by word nor write was there any communication betwix them." {Infra, 134)
" forgot * See the note mfra, 103, note 6 ' David Riccio
b THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
must show rigour to revenge his death. And yet further, albeit
that some know that she has plainly purposed to wreck the religion
within this realm ; that to that Roman Antichrist she hath made her
promise ; and that from him she hath taken money to uphold his
pomp within this realm ; yet will they let the people understand
that the Queen will establish religion, and provide all things orderly,
if she were once delivered.
This was If such dealings, which are common amongst our Protestants,
when the be not to prefer flesh and blood to God, to his truth, to justice, to
"'^°k^f religion, and unto the liberty of this oppressed realm, let the world
the Lords judge. The plagues have been, and in some part are present, that
Vanished ^ were before threatened ; the rest approach. And yet who from
the heart cries, " I have offended ; the Lord knows. In Thee only
is the trust of the oppressed ; for vain is the help of man." But now
return we to our History.
* See supra, 4, note 4
The nineteenth day of August, the year of God 1561, betwix seven and eight hours before noon, arrived Marie Queen of Scotland, then widow, with two galleys forth of France. In her company (besides her gentlewomen called the Maries ^), were her three uncles, the Duke d'Aumale,^ the Grand Prior,' and the Marquis d'Elboeuf ^ There accompanied her also, Damville,^ son to the Constable of France, with other gentlemen of inferior condi- tion,® besides servants and officers. The very face of heaven, the time of her arrival, did manifestly speak what comfort was brought The unto this country with her, to wit, sorrow, dolour, darkness, and all /^jT"^ impiety. For, in the memory of man, that day of the year was never arrival m seen a more dolorous face of the heaven than was at her arrival, which two days after did so continue ; for besides the surface wet, and corruption of the air, the mist was so thick and so dark that scarce might any man espy another the length of two pair of boots. The sun was not seen to shine two days before, nor two days after. That fore-warning gave God unto us ; but alas, the most part were blind. At the sound of the cannons which the galleys shot, the multitude being advertised, happy was he and she that first might have the presence of the Queen. The Protestants were not the slowest, and thereinto they were not to be blamed. Because the Palace of Holy- roodhouse was not thoroughly put in order (for her coming was more sudden than many looked for^), she remained in Leith till towards
' That is, Mary Fleming, Mary Seton, Mary Beaton, and Mary Livingstone. (See "The Queen's Maries" in Scot. Hist. Review, ii, 363-371) See also Lesley, Historie of Scotland (Bannatyne Club), 209.
' Claude of Lorraine (1526-73), Marquis de Mayenne, Due d'Aumale.
" Francis of Lorraine (1534-63), Due de Guise (1550-63), Grand Prior of the Order of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem (at Malta). ,
* Ren^ of Lorraine (1536-66), Marquis d'Elboeuf.
* Henry de Montmorency, Count of Damville, son of Anne de Montmorency, Marshal and Constable of France.
* The " others " included Pierre de Bourdeille, better known as the Sieur de Brant6me. ' Mary's arrival had not been expected until the end of the month {Calendar of Scottish
Papers, i. No. looi ; Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 253, note 4). In July, 1561, Elizabeth was of opinion that Mary's return would " alter many things for the worse," and the English Queen kept in touch with the Hamiltons {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 992). Her refusal to grant a safe-conduct to Mary, and her patrolling fleet, may have been intended to drive Mary to take the western route to Dumbarton, that is, into Hamilton country. Knowledge of this might acoount for Mary's earlier return ; certainly it was to her interest to return to Scotland as soon as possible and, once there, to rely on her half-brother, the Lord James Stewart.
7
8 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
The ^ the evening, and then repaired thither.^ In the way betwixt Leith fasT^Toce and the Abbey, met her the rebels of the crafts (of whom we spake in despite before ^), to wit, those that had violated the authority of the maejis-
qf religion iiii- iin ni t rr- • ^
trates, and had besieged the rrovost. But because she was surhcientiy instructed that all they did was done in despite of the religion, they were easily pardoned. Fires of joy were set forth all night, and a company of the most honest, with instruments of music and with musicians, gave their salutations at her chamber window. The melody (as she alleged) liked her well ; and she willed the same to be continued some nights after.
With great diligence the lords repaired unto her from all quarters. And so was nothing understood but mirth and quietness till the next Sunday, which was the xxiv of August, when preparation began to be made for that idol the Mass to be said in the Chapel ; which pierced the hearts of all. The godly began to bolden ; and men began openly to speak, " Shall that idol be suffered again to take place within this realm ? It shall not." The Lord Lindsay (then but Master^), with the gentlemen of Fife, and others, plainly cried in "J^^ , the close, " The idolater priest should die the death," according to first Mass God's law. One that carried in the candle was evil effrayed ; but then began flesh and blood to show itself. There durst no Papist Lord ^ neither yet any that came out of France whisper. But the Lord fact James * (the man whom all the godly did most reverence) took upon
him to keep the Chapel door. His best excuse was, that he would stop all Scottish men to enter in to the Mass. But it was, and is, sufficiently known that the door was kept that none should have entry to trouble the priest, who, after the Mass, was committed Conveyers x.o the protection of Lord John of Coldingham ^ and Lord Robert Priest of Holyroodhousc,^ who then were both Protestants, and had com- municated at the Table of the Lord. Betwix them two was the priest convoyed to his chamber.'
And sd the godly departed with great grief of heart, and at after- noon repaired to the Abbey in great companies, and gave plain signification that they could not abide that the land which God by his power had purged from idolatry should in their eyes be
' Hay Fleming, op. cit., 253, note 2 ' Supra, 1, 355-359
' Patrick, eldest son of John, fifth Lord Lindsay of the Byres, became Patrick, sixth Lord Lindsay, after the death of his father in December 1563. * The Lord James Stewart, later Earl of Moray.
' The Lord John Stewart, a natural son of James V, and Commendator of Coldingham. ' The Lord Robert Stewart, a natural son of James V, and Commendator of Holyrood. ' See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 46-47, 257, notes 14 and 15
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 9
polluted again. Which understood, there began complaint upon complaint. The old dountybours,i and others that long had served in the Court and have no remission of sins but by virtue of the Mass, cried, " They would to France without delay : they could not hve without the Mass." The same affirmed the Queen's uncles. And would to God that that menzie,^ together with the Mass, had taken eood-niffht at this realm for ever ; for so had Scotland been rid of T^« «nd an unprofitable burden of devourmg strangers, and ot the malediction yet seen of God that has stricken and yet will strike for idolatry.
The Council assembled, disputation was had of the next remedy. Politic heads were sent unto the gendemen with these and the like persuasions, " Why, alas, will ye chase our Sovereign from us ? The per- She will incontinent return to her galleys ; and what then shall all of the realms say of us ? May we not suffer her a litde while ? We doubt ^o«mm not but she shall leave it. If we were not assured that she might be won, we should be as great enemies to her Mass as ye should be. Her uncles will depart, and then shall we rule all at our pleasure. Would not we be as sorry to hurt the Religion as any of you would
be?"
With these and the like persuasions (we say) was the fervency of the Brethren quenched ; and an Act ^ was framed, the tenor whereof folio weth :
Apud Edinburgh, xxv^o Augusti Anno &c. lxP
Forsamekle as the Qjueen's Majesty has understood the great inconvenients that may come through the division presently standing in this Realm for the difference in matters of religion, that her Majesty is most desirous to see [it] pacified by a good order, to the honour of God, and tranquillity of her Realm, and means to take the same by advice of her Estates so soon as conveniently may be ; and that her Majesty's godly resolution therein may be greatly hindered, in case any tumult or sedition be raised amongst the lieges if any sudden alteration or novation be pressed [at] or attempted before that the order may be established : Therefore, for eschewing of the
' Later {infra, 87) the word seems to be used in the sense oi courtesans. A possible deriva- tion would be from donte (the rounded belly of a musical instrument) and bourr^s (stuffed or filled). '^ company
^ Laing thought that this Act had not survived in the extant Register of the Privy Council (Laing's Knox, ii, 272, note) ; but the Act is contained in the Register, though not in its proper place. (See Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 266-67 ; and the important editorial comment, ibid., Intro., xxxvi-xl)
10 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
said inconvenients, her Majesty ordains letters to be directed ^ to charge all and sundry her lieges, by open proclamation at the Market Cross of Edinburgh, and other places needful, that they and every one of them, contain themselves in quietness, [and] keep peace and civil society amongst themselves : And in the meantime, while ^ the Estates of this Realm may be assembled, and that her Majesty have taken a final order by their advice and public consent, which her Majesty hopes shall be to the contentment of the whole, that none of them take upon hand, privately or openly, to make alteration or innovation of the state of religion, or attempt anything against the form which her Majesty found publicly and universally standing at her Majesty's arrival in this her Realm, under the pain of death : With certification, that if any subject of the Realm shall come in the contrary hereof, he shall be esteemed and held a seditious person and raiser of tumult, and the said pain shall be executed upon him with all rigour, to the example of others. Attour,^ her Majesty by the advice of the Lords of her Secret Council, commands and charges all her lieges that none of them take upon hand to molest or trouble any of her domestical servants, or persons whatsomever, come forth of France in her Grace's company at this time, in word, deed, or countenance, for any cause whatsomever, either within her palace or without, or make any derision or invasion upon any of them, under whatsomever colour or pretence, under the said pain of death : Albeit her Majesty be sufficiently persuaded that her good and loving subjects would do the same, for the reverence they bear to her person and authority, notwithstanding that no such com- mandment were published.
This Act and Proclamation, penned and put in form by such as before professed Christ Jesus (for in the Council then had Papists neither power nor vote), it was publicly proclaimed at the Market Cross of Edinburgh, upon Monday foresaid. No man reclaimed, nor made repugnance to it, except the Earl of'Arran only who, in open audience of the Heralds and people protested, " That he dis- sented that any protection or defence should be made to the Queen's domestics, or to any that came from France, to offend God's Majesty, and to violate the laws of the Realm, more than to any other subject. For God's law had pronounced death against the idolater, and the laws of the Realm had appointed punishment for sayers and hearers of Mass ; which (said he), I here protest, be universally observed,
' For the issue of the Letters, see Accounts Lord High Treasurer, xi, 63, 64. ' until (653)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND II
and that none be exempted, unto such time as a law, as pubHcly made, and as consonant to the law of God, have disannulled the former." And thereupon he took documents, as the tenor of this his Protestation doth witness :
In so far as by this Proclamation it is understood to the Kirk of God, and members thereof, that the Queen's Grace is minded that the true religion and worshipping, else ^ established, proceed for- ward, that it may daily increase, unto the Parliament, that order then may be taken for extirpation of all idolatry within this Realm : We render most heartly thanks to the Lord our God for her Grace's good mind, earnestly praying that it may be increased in her High- ness to the honour and glory of his name, and weal of his Kirk within this Realm. And as touching the molestation of her Highness's servants, we suppose that none dare be so bold as once to move their finger at them, in doing of their lawful business ; and as for us, we have learned at our master Christ's school, " to keep peace with all men " ; and therefore, for our part, we will promise that obedience unto her Majesty (as is our duty), that none of her servants shall be molested, troubled, or once touched by the Kirk, or any member thereof, in doing their lawful affairs. But, since that God has said, " The idolater shall die the death," we Protest solemnly, in presence of God, and in the ears of the whole people that hear this Proclamation, and specially in presence of you, Lyon Herald, and of the rest of your colleagues, &c., makers of this Proclamation, that if any of her servants shall commit idolatry, specially say Mass, participate there- with, or take the defence thereof, (which we were loth should be in her Grace's company), in that case, that this Proclamation be not extended to them in that behalf, nor be not a safeguard or gyrth ^ to them in that behalf, no more nor if they commit slaughter or murder, seeing the one is mekle more abominable and odious in the sight of God than is the other : But that it may be lawful to inflict upon them the pains contained in God's word against idolaters, wherever they may be apprehended, but ' favour. And this our Protestation we desire you to notify unto her, and give her the copy hereof, lest her Highness should suspect an uproar, if we should all come and present the same. At Edinburgh, the day and year fore- said.
This boldness did somewhat exasperate the Queen, and such as favoured her in that point. As the Lords, called of the Congregation,
' already ' sanctuary ^ without
(653) VOL II 2
12
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Robert Campbell to the Lord Ochiltree
The
Queen^s practices at the first
Thejudg- ment of John Knox upon the suffering of the Queen's Mass
The
courtiers
repaired unto the town, at the first coming they showed themselves wondrously offended that the Mass was permitted ; so that every man as he came accused them that were before him : but after that they had remained a certain space, they were as quiet as were the former. Which thing perceived, a zealous and godly man, Robert Campbell of Kinzeancleuch, said unto the Lord Ochiltree, " My Lord, now ye are come, and almost the last of all the rest ; and I perceive, by your anger, that the fire-edge is not off you yet ; but I fear, that after that the holy water of the Court be sprinkled upon you, that ye shall become as temperate as the rest. For I have been here now five days, and at the first I heard every man say, ' Let us hang the priest ' ; but after that they had been twice or thrice in the Abbey, all that fervency was past. I think there be some en- chantment whereby men are bewitched." And in very deed so it came to pass. For the Queen's flattering words, upon the one part, ever still crying, " Conscience, conscience : it is a sore thing to constrain the conscience " ; and the subtle persuasions of her supposts ^ (we mean even of such as sometimes were judged most fervent with us ^) upon the other part, blinded all men, and put them in this opinion : she will be content to hear the preaching, and so no doubt but she may be won. And thus of all it was concluded to suffer her for a time.
The next Sunday,^ John Knox, inveighing against idolatry, showed what terrible plagues God had taken upon realms and nations for the same ; and added, " That one Mass (there was no more suffered at the first) was more fearful to him than if ten thousand armed enemies were landed in any part of the realm, of purpose to suppress the whole religion. For (said he) in our God there is strength to resist and confound multitudes if we unfeignedly depend upon him ; whereof heretofore we have had experience ; but when we join hands with idolatry, it is no doubt but that both God's amicable presence and comfortable defence leaveth us, and what shall then become of us ? Alas, I fear that experience shall teach us, to the grief of many." At these words, the guiders of the Court mocked, and plainly spake, " That such fear was no point of their faith : it was beside his text, and was a very untimely admonition." But we heard this same John Knox,"* in the audience of the same
' supporters
'' A reference to the Lord James and Maitland of Lethington, in particular. ' That is, Sunday 31 August 1561 ; though Knox had already " thundered " from the pulpit on Sunday 24 August {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. loio). ' An attempt at impersonal narration.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 3
men, recite the same words again in the midst of troubles ; and, in the audience of many, ask [of] God mercy that he was not more vehement and upright in the suppressing of that idol in the beginning. ^ " For (said he), albeit that I spake that which offended some (which this day they see and feel to be true), yet did I not [that] which I might have done ; for God had not only given unto me knowledge and tongue to make the impiety of that idol known unto this realm, but he had given unto me credit with many, who would have put in execution God's judgments, if I would only have consented thereto. But so careful was I of that common tranquillity, and so loth was I J?/'",
Til -I J •• linox s
to have offended those of whom 1 had conceived a good opmion, confession that in secret conference with earnest and zealous men, I travailed rather to mitigate, yea, to slaken, that fervency that God had kindled in others, than to animate or encourage them to put their hands to the Lord's work. Whereintill I unfeignedly acknowledge myself to have done most wickedly ; and from the bottom of my heart, ask of my God grace and pardon, for that I did not what in me lay to have suppressed that idol in the beginning." These and other words did many hear him speak in public place, in the month of December, the year of God 1565, when such as at the Queen's arrival only maintained the Mass, were exiled the realm, summoned upon treason, and decreet of forfeiture intended against them.^ But to return from whence we have digressed.
Whether it was by counsel of others, or of the Queen's own desire, we know not ; but the Queen spake with John Knox, and had long reasoning with him, none being present except the Lord James ^ (two gentlewomen stood in the other end of the house *). The sum of their reasoning was this. The Queen accused him that The first
111-1 r ^ 1 • • 1 1 1 • reasoning
he had raised a part of her subjects against her mother, and against betwix herself: That he had written a book against her just authority (she ^^^ meant the treatise against the Regiment of Women), which she had, John and should cause the most learned in Europe to write against it : ""''
* Writing to Cecil on 7 October 1561, Knox laments that he " did not more zealously gainstand that idol at the first erecting," though " men delighting to swim betwix two waters have often complained upon my severity." (Laing's Knox, vi, 131)
^ That is, when, following the Roundabout or Chase-about Raid, Chatelherault, Moray, Glencairn, Rothes, Boyd, Ochiltree and others were summoned to compear before the next Parliament on a charge of treason. (Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots, ii3ff"; Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 355ff, 409 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, Soff, 85-86 ; infra, i6iflF)
^ This " first reasoning betwix the Queen and John Knox " apparently took place on Thursday, 4 September 1561. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1017)
* chamber
14 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
That he was the cause of great sedition and great slaughter in England : and That it was said to her that all which he did was by necromancy, &c.
To the which the said John answered, " Madam, it may please your Majesty patiently to hear my simple answers . And first (said he) if to teach the truth of God in sincerity, if to rebuke idolatry, and to will a people to worship God according to his word, be to raise subjects against their princes, then cannot I be excused ; for it has pleased God of his mercy to make me one (amongst many) to disclose unto this realm the vanity of the Papistical religion, and the deceit, pride and tyranny of that Roman Antichrist. But, Madam, if the true knowledge of God, and his right worshipping be the chief causes that must move men from their heart to obey their just princes (as it is most certain that they are) wherein can I be reprehended ? I think, and am surely persuaded, that your Grace has had, and presently has, a sunfeigned obedience of such as profess Jesus Christ within this realm as ever your father or other progenitors had of those that were called bishops. And touching that book which seemeth so highly to offend your Majesty, it is most certain that I wrote it, and am content that all the learned of the world judge of it. I hear that an Englishman hath written against it, ^ but I have not read him. If he have sufficiently improved my reasons, and established his contrary proposition, with as evident testimonies as I have done mine, I shall not be obstinate, but shall confess my error and ignorance. But to this hour I have thought, and yet thinks, myself alone to be more able to sustain the things affirmed in that my work than any ten in Europe shall be able to confute it." " Ye think then (quod she), that I have no just authority ? " " Please your Majesty (said he) that learned men in all ages have had their judgments free, and most commonly disagreeing from the common judgment of the world ; such also have they published, both with pen and tongue, and yet notwithstanding they themselves have lived in the common society with others, and have borne patiently with the errors and imperfections which they could not amend. Plato, the philosopher, wrote his Books of the Common- wealth, in the which he damneth many things that then were maintained in the world, and required many things to have been reformed ; and yet, notwithstanding, he hved even under such policies as then were universally received without further troubling of any estate. Even so, Madam, am I content to do, in uprightness
' That is, John Aylmer. (See supra, i, 290, note 3 ; and Laing's Knox, iv, 354-355)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 5
of heart, and with a testimony of a good conscience. I have com- municated my judgment to the world. If the realm finds no incon- venience from the regiment of a woman, that which they approve shall I not further disallow than within my own breast, but shall be as well content to live under your Grace as Paul was to live under Nero ; and my hope is, that so long as that ye defile not your hands with the blood of the saints of God, that neither I nor that book shall either hurt you or your authority : for in very deed, Madam, that book was written most especially against that wicked Jezebel of England." ^
" But (said she), ye speak of women in general." " Most true it is. Madam (said the other), and yet it appeareth to me that wisdom should persuade your Grace never to raise trouble for that which to this day hath not troubled your Majesty, neither in person nor yet in authority. For of late years many things which before were held stable have been called in doubt ; yea they have been plainly impugned. But yet. Madam (said he), I am assured that neither Protestant nor Papist shall be able to prove that any such question was at any time moved in public or in secret. Now, Madam (said he), if I had intended to have troubled your estate, because ye are a woman, I might have chosen a time more convenient for that purpose than I can do now, when your own presence is within the realm.
" But now. Madam, shortly to answer to the other two accusations. I heartly praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that Sathan, the enemy of mankind, and the wicked of the world, hath no other crimes to lay to my charge than such as the very world itself knoweth to be most false and vain. For in England I was resident only the space of five years. The places were Berwick, where I abode two years ; so long in the New Castle ; and a year in London. ^ Now, Madam, if in any of these places, during the time that I was there, any man shall be able to prove that there was either battle, sedition or mutiny I shall confess that I myself was the malefactor and the shedder of the blood. I ashame not. Madam, further to affirm that God so blessed my weak labours that in Berwick (where commonly before there used to be slaughter by reason of quarrels that used to arise amongst soldiers) there was as great quietness all the time that I remained there as there is this day in Edinburgh. And where they slander me of magic, necromancy, or of any other art forbidden of God, I have witnesses (besides my own conscience) all [the] congrega-
> That is, Mary Tudor, Queen of England ^ See supra, i, 1 1 o
1 6 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
tions that ever heard me, what I spake both against such arts, and against those that use such impiety. But, seeing the wicked of the world said. That my Master, the Lord Jesus, was possessed with Beelzebub, I must patiently bear, albeit that I, wretched sinner, be unjustly accused of those that never delighted in the verity." The ^ " But yet (said she), ye have taught the people to receive another
mond religion than their princes can allow. And how can that doctrine objection j^g ^f Qod, seeing that God commands subjects to obey their princes ? " [Answer] " Madam (said he), as right religion took neither original
strength nor authority from worldly princes but from the Eternal God alone, so are not subjects bound to frame their religion according to the appetites of their princes. For oft it is that princes are the most ignorant of all others in God's true religion, as we may read in the histories as well before the death of Christ Jesus, as after. If all the seed of Abraham should have been of the religion of Pharaoh, whom to they were long subjects, I pray you. Madam, what religion should there have been in the world? Or, if all men in the days of the Apostles should have been of the religion of the Roman Emperors, what religion should there have been upon the face of the earth ? Daniel and his fellows were subjects to Nebuchadnezzar, and unto Darius, and yet, Madam, they would not be of their religion, neither of the one or of the other. For the three children said, ' We make it known unto thee, O King, that we will not worship thy gods ' ; and Daniel did pray publicly unto his God against the expressed commandment of the King. And so. Madam, ye may perceive that subjects are not bound to the religion of their princes, albeit they are commanded to give them obedience." The third " Yea (quod she), but none of those men raised the sword against
objection , • . ,,
their prmces. [Answer] "Yet Madam (quod he), ye cannot deny but that they resisted :
for those that obey not the commandments that are given, in some
sort resist." Question '<■ But yet (said she), they resisted not by the sword ? "
[Answer] " Qod (said he). Madam, had not given unto them the power and
the means."
" Think ye (quod she), that subjects having power may resist their
princes ? "
" If their princes exceed their bounds (quod he). Madam, and
do against that wherefore they should be obeyed, it is no doubt but
they may be resisted, even by power. For there is neither greater
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 7
honour nor greater obedience to be given to kings or princes, than God has commanded to be given unto father and mother. But so Question it is, Madam, that the father may be stricken with a frenzy, in the the which he would slay his own children. Now, Madam, if the children Z*"^"'*' arise, join themselves together, apprehend the father, take the sword or other weapons from him, and finally bind his hands, and keep him in prison till that his frenzy be overpast ; think ye. Madam, that the children do any wrong ? Or, think ye, Madam, that God will be offended with them that have stayed their father to commit wickedness ? It is even so (said he). Madam, with princes that would murder the children of God that are subject unto them. Their blind zeal is nothing but a very mad frenzy ; and therefore, ^'^"^ to take the sword from them, to bind their hands, and to cast them- " selves in prison till that they be brought to a more sober mind, is no ^hen thu disobedience against princes, but just obedience, because that it written agreeth with the will of God." ^^''\'"'^
o , no appear-
At these words, the Queen stood as it were amazed, more than anceof the quarter of an hour. Her countenance altered, so that Lord i^Zl^J^, James began to entreat her, and to demand, " What has offended ment ' you, Madam ? "
At length, she said, " Well, then, I perceive that my subjects shall obey you, 2 and not me; and shall do what they list, and not what I P^ ,
, Queen s
command : and so must I be subject to them, and not they to me." conclusion
" God forbid (answered he), that ever I take upon me to command any to obey me, or yet to set subjects at liberty to do what pleaseth them. But my travail is that both princes and subjects obey God. And think not (said he). Madam, that wrong is done unto you when ye are willed to be subject unto God : for it is He that subjects people under princes, and causes obedience to be given unto them ; yea, God craves of kings That they be as it were foster-fathers to his Church, and commands queens to be nurses unto his people. And this subjection. Madam, unto God, and unto his troubled Church, is the greatest dignity that flesh can get upon the face of the earth, for it shall carry them to everlasting glory."
"Yea (quod she), but ye are not the Kirk that I will nourish. P^ ,
Queens
I will defend the Kirk of Rome for I think it is the true Kirk of God." Kirk
"Your will (quod he). Madam, is no reason ; neither doth your thought make that Roman harlot to be the true and immaculate
' In the manuscript (folio 307 recto) , this marginal note is in the same hand as that of the text. The reference is evidently to the imprisonment of Queen Mary in Lochleven Castle, June 1567, and thus this part of the History must have been transcribed between 16 June 1567 and 2 May 1568 (see supra, i, ciii). * Namely, John Knox
1 8 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
spouse of Jesus Christ. And wonder not, Madam, that I call Rome a harlot ; for that Church is altogether polluted with all kind of spiritual fornication, as well in doctrine as in manners. Yea, Madam, I offer myself further to prove that the Church of the Jews that crucified Christ Jesus was not so far degenerated from the ordinances and statutes which God gave by Moses and Aaron unto his people when that they manifestly denied the Son of God, as that the Church of Rome is declined, and more than five hundred years hath declined, from the purity of that religion which the Apostles taught and planted,"
" My conscience (said she), is not so."
" Conscience, Madam (said he), requires knowledge ; and I fear that right knowlege ye have none."
" But (said she), I have both heard and read."
"So (said he), Madam, did the Jews that crucified Christ Jesus read both the Law and the Prophets, and heard the same interpreted after their manner. Have ye heard (said he), any teach but such as the Pope and his Cardinals have allowed ? And ye may be assured that such will speak nothing to offend their own estate." Question "Ye interpret the Scriptures (said she), in one manner, and they
interpret in another. Whom shall I believe ? And who shall be judge ? " Answer " Ye shall believe (said he), God that plainly speaketh in his word :
and further than the word teaches you, ye neither shall believe the one or the other. The word of God is plain in the self ; and if there appear any obscurity in one place, the Holy Ghost, which is never contrarious to himself, explains the same more clearly in other places : so that there can remain no doubt but unto such as obstinately remain ignorant.^ And now (said he), Madam, to take one of the chief points which this day is in controversy betwix the Papists and us : for example, the Papists allege, and boldly have affirmed, That Mass the Mass is the ordinance of God, and the institution of Jesus Christ, and a sacrifice for the sins of the quick and the dead. We deny both the one and the other, and affirm that the Mass as it is now used is nothing but the invention of man ; and, therefore, is an abomination before God, and no sacrifice that ever God commanded. Now, Madam, who shall judge betwix us two thus contending ? It is no reason that either of the parties be further believed than they are able to prove by unsuspect witnessing. Let them lay down the book of God, and by the plain words thereof prove their affirmatives, and
* Compare the Confession of Faith, c. xviii {infra, 267).
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 1 9
we shall give unto them the plea granted. But so long as they are bold to affirm, and yet do prove nothing, we must say that, albeit all the world beheved them, yet believe they not God, but receive the Hes of men for the truth of God. What our Master Jesus Christ did, we know by his Evangehsts : what the priest doth at his Mass, the world seeth. Now, doth not the Word of God plainly assure us that Christ Jesus neither said, nor yet commanded Mass to be said at his Last Supper, seeing that no such thing as their Mass is made mention of within the whole Scriptures ? "
" Ye are oure sair ^ for me (said the Queen), but and if they were here that I have heard, they would answer you." ^
"Madam (quod the other), would to God that the learnedest Papist in Europe, and he that ye would best believe, were present with your Grace to sustain the argument ; and that ye would patiently abide to hear the matter reasoned to the end. For then I doubt not. Madam, but that ye should hear the vanity of the Papistical religion and how small ground it hath within the word of God."
" Well (said she), ye may perchance get that sooner than ye believe."
"Assuredly (said the other), if ever I get that in my life, I get it sooner than I beheve. For the ignorant Papists cannot patiently reason, and the learned and crafty Papist will never come in your audience. Madam, to have the ground of their religion searched out ; for they know that they are never able to sustain an argument, except fire and sword and their own laws be judges."
" So say ye, " (quod the Queen).
" But I can believe that it has been so to this day, (quod he). For how oft have the Papists in this and other realms been required to come to conference, and yet could it never be obtained, unless that themselves were admitted for judges. And therefore. Madam, I must yet say again that they dare never dispute but where them- selves are both judge and party. And whensoever that ye shall let me see the contrary, I shall grant mys6lf to have been deceived in that point."
And with this the Queen was called upon to dinner, for it was after noon. ^ At departing, John Knox said unto her, " I pray God,
' too hard
" It is to be noted, however, that Mary's library included many books relating to the religious revolution of her time. (See Irwentaires de la Royne Descosse, Bannatyne Club, Preface, cxi-cxiii)
° The Queen apparently dined at noon {cf. Diurnal of Occurrents, 67).
20
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
John
Knox's judgment of the Queen at the first, and ever since
Madam, that ye may be as blessed within the Commonwealth of Scotland, if it be the pleasure of God, as ever Deborah was in the Commonwealth of Israel."
Of this long Conference, whereof we only touch a part, were divers opinions. The Papists grudged, and feared that which they needed not. The godly, thinking at least that she would have heard the preaching, rejoiced ; but they were allutterly ^ deceived, for she continued in her Massing ; and despised and quietly mocked all exhortations.
John Knox's own judgment being by some of his familiars demanded, What he thought of the Queen ? " If there be not in her (said he), a proud mind, a crafty wit, and an indurate heart against God and his truth, my judgment faileth me." ^
When the whole Nobility were convened, the Lords of Privy Council were chosen : who were appointed, the Duke's Grace, ^ the Earls of Huntly,* Argyll,^ Atholl,« Morton,' Glencairn,^ Marischal,» BothwelP" ; Lords Erskine,^^ &c., Lordjames,^^ &c.i=^ Of these were a certain [number] appointed to wait upon [the] Court by course ^* ; but that order continued not long.
[The] Duke d'Aumale ^^ returned with the galleys to France. The Queen entered in her progresses, ^^ and in the month of September travelled from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, Stirling, Saint Johnston, Dundee, [and] Saint Andrews ; which all parts she polluted with her idolatry. Fire followed her very commonly in that journey.^' The towns propined ^^ her liberally, and thereof were the French enriched.
' utterly
^ Writing to Cecil on 7 October 1561, Knox says " In commuriication with her, I espied such craft as I have not found in such age." (Laing's Knox, vi, 132) ' James, second Earl of Arran, Duke of Chatelherault
* George, fourth Earl of Huntly ' Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll
' John Stewart, fourth Earl of Atholl
' James Douglas, fourth Earl of Morton -'
' Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn " William, fourth Earl Marischal
'" James Hepburn, fourth Earl of Bothwell ' ' John, sixth Lord Erskine, later Earl of Mar '^ Lord James Stewart, later Earl of Moray
" The sederunt and choice of the Privy Council was at Holyrood, 6 September 1561. {Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 157-158) '^ in turn
'' See supra, 7, note 2. According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (67), he left on i September 1 56 1 with the two galleys which had brought the Queen home.
^* See Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 51-52 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 69 " But apparently only at Stirling, where a candle set the curtains and tester of her bed on fire while she was asleep. (Randolph to Cecil, 24 September 1 56 1 , in Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1023) '* ^nade presents to
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 21
In the beginning of October, ^ she returned to Edinburgh, and at the day appointed she was received in the Castle. Great pre- parations were made for her entry in the town. In farces, in masking, and in other prodigahties, fain would fools have counterfeited France."^ Whatsoever might set forth her glory, that she heard, and gladly beheld. The keys were delivered unto her by a pretty boy, descending as it were from a cloud. The verses of her own praise she heard, and smiled. But when the Bible was presented, ^ and the praise thereof declared, she began to frown : for shame she could not refuse it. But she did no better, for immediately she gave it to the most pestilent Papist within the realm, to wit, to Arthur Erskine.'* Edinburgh since that day has reaped as they sowed. They gave her some taste of their prodigahty ; and because the hquor was sweet, she has hcked of that buist ^ ofter than twice since. All men know Balfour's
doctrine "
what we mean : the Queen can not lack, and the subjects have.
In Edinburgh it hath been an ancient and laudable custom that the Provost, Bailies, and Council after their election, which useth to be at Michaelmas, caused pubhcly proclaim the Statutes and Ordinances of the town.' And therefore Archibald Douglas, Provost, Edward Hope, Adam Fullarton [John Preston and David Somer],^ Bailies, caused proclaim, according to the former Statutes of the town, that no adulterer [no fornicator], no noted drunkard, no mass-
' Knox has here confused the date and the order of events. Mary had returned to Edinburgh from her " progresses " by the end of September, but the " entry " and reception Knox now describes took place on Tuesday, 2 September. (See the detailed account in Diurnal of Occurrents, 67-69, and Robertson's note in Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface, Ixxiv, note i)
^ But in July 1572 Knox himself attended a mask or " play " at the marriage of Mr. John Davidson, one of the Regents at the University of St. Andrews, wherein " the Castle of Edinburgh was besieged, taken, and the Captain, with one or two with him, hanged in effigy." {Autobiography and Diary of Mr. James Melvill, Wodrow Society, 27)
^ A Bible and a Psalm Book were presented to her. " If, as Lord Herries alleges [Historical Memoirs, 56], the Psalm Book was in ' Scots vers,' it may have been Wedder- burn's version ; but his statement that the Bible was in the ' Scots languadge ' is altogether incredible." (Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 255, note 10)
* Arthur Erskine of Blackgrange, son of John, fifth Lord Erskine. He is said to have been Mary's favourite equerry and on his horse she is said to have escaped from Holyrood after the murder of Riccio. But see Pollen, Papal Negotiations with Mary Queen of Scots, 271, note 4.
' chest or coffer ; here used in the sense of a container for food or drink
° That is, Sir James Balfour
' This was the usual practice in the Scottish burghs.
' In the manuscript (folio 308 verso), a blank space is left for these names. They have been supplied from the list given in Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 301. But these men were the officers for the year 1559-60, and the officers who were discharged by order of the Queen were Archibald Douglas, provost, and David Forster, Robert Ker, Alexander Home, and Allan Dickson, bailies. {Ibid., iii, 126)
22 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
monger, no obstinate Papists that corrupted the people, such as priests, friars, and others of that sort, should be found within the town within forty-eight hours thereafter, under the pains contained in the statutes.^ Which blown in the Queen's ears, there began pride and maliciousness to show the self ; for without further cognition of the cause, were the Provost and Bailies charged to ward in the Castle ; and immediately was commandment given, that other Provost and Bailies should be elected. ^ TTi« Some gainstood for a while the new election,^ alleging, that the
Otl€€Tl^ S • •
first pride Provost and Bailies whom they had chosen, and to whom they had after her giyen their oath, had committed no offence wherefore that justly they ought to be deprived. But while charge was doubled upon charge, and no man was found to oppose themselves to iniquity, Jezebel's letter and wicked will is obeyed as a law. And so was Mr. Thomas McCalzean chosen for the other. * The man, no doubt, was both discreet and sufficient for that charge ; but the deposition of the other was against all law. God be merciful to some of our own ; for they were not all blameless that her wicked will was so far obeyed.^
A contrary proclamation was publicly made that the town should Jh^ , be patent unto all the Queen's lieges ; and so murderers, adulterers, true lieges, thicvcs, whorcs, drunkards, idolaters, and all malefactors got protec- "''"' ■ tion under the Queen's wings, under that colour, because they were
* The proclamation was made on 2 October 1561 and was against " monks, friars, priests, nuns, adulterers, fornicators, and all such filthy persons " {Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 125). On 20 September 1560 the Council had proclaimed the Act of Parliament against hearing or saying Mass {ibid., iii, 82), and on 24 March 1561 a proclamation had been made against priests, monks, friars, canons, nuns, and others of the ungodly sects and opinions, and against sayers and maintainers of the Mass, whoremongers, adulterers and fornicators {ibid., iii, 101-102). The October 1561 proclamation, with its reference to the Roman Catholic priesthood as " filthy persons " was naturally resented by the Queen.
- There is no reference in the Burgh Records that the provost and bailies were charged to enter themselves in ward in the Castle. In a letter to Cecil pf 7 October 1561 Knox writes : " At this very instant are the Provost of Edinburgh and Baillies thereof, com- manded to ward in their Tolbooth, by reason of their proclamation against Papists and whoremongers. The whole blame lieth upon the necks of the two forenamed," viz. Lord James Stewart and Lethington. (Laing's Knox, vi, 132) The Queen's letters charging the burgh to deprive the provost and bailies of their oflSces, and to choose others, were read in presence of the bailies and council on 5 October. {Edinburgh Burgh Records, iii, 125)
' A protestation appears in the records on behalf of the Council and community. {Ibid., iii, 126)
* On 8 October effect was given to the Queen's letters ; Mr Thomas McCalzean was elected provost, and James Thomson, John Adamson, Mr John Marjoriebanks, and Alexander Acheson, bailies. {Ibid., iii, 126)
' A reference to Lord James Stewart and Maitland of Lethington. (See note 2 above)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 23
of her religion.^ And so got the Devil freedom again, where that before he durst not have been seen in the dayhght upon the common streets. " Lord dehver us from that bondage."
The Devil finding his reins loose, ran forwards in his course ; The Devil and the Queen took upon her greater boldness than she and Baal's entry with bleating priests durst have attempted before. For upon All Hallows ^^/"ff; Day 2 they blended up their Mass with all mischievous solemnity. The forth his ministers thereat offended, in plain and public place declared the ^^ inconvenients that thereupon should ensue. The nobility were sufficiently admonished of their duties. But affection caused men to call that in doubt wherein shortly before they seemed to be most resolute, to wit, " Whether that subjects might put to their hand to suppress the idolatry of their Prince ? " And upon this question convened in the house of Mr. James M'Gill,^ the Lord James, the Earl of Morton, the Earl Marischal, Secretary Lethington, the Justice-Clerk,^ and Clerk of Register ^ ; who all reasoned for the part of the Queen, affirming, " That the subjects might not lawfully take her Mass from her," In the contrary judgment were the prin- cipal ministers, Mr. John Row, Master George Hay, Master Robert Hamilton, and John Knox. The reasons of both parties we will omit because they will be explained after, where the same question, and others concerning the obedience due unto Princes, were long reasoned in open assembly. The conclusion of that first reasoning was, " That the question should be formed, and letters directed to Geneva for the resolution of that Church," wherein John Knox offered his labours.^ But Secretary Lethington (alleging that there stood mekle in the
' Here Knox is guilty of exaggeration, though possibly he would have argued that " murderers " and " thieves " were but synonyms for Papists. The Queen's contrary proclamation is not inserted in the MS. Burgh Records, but, writing to Cecil on 7 October, Knox says that Mary " set forth proclamations contrary." (Laing's Knox, vi, 131)
■'' All Hallows, or All Saints' Day, i November
' Sir James M'Gill of Nether Rankeillor, the Clerk Register
* Sir John Bellenden of Auchnoull
^ Sir James M'Gill of Nether Rankeillor
• This meeting was apparently held after All Hallows (i November), and if that is , so, Knox deliberately conceals the fact that he had already written. His letter to Calvin, dated 24 October 1561, is printed with a facsimile and a translation in Laing's Knox,
vi, 133-135, and with a facsimile in Teulet, Papiers d'Etat, ii, 12-14. Laing later noticed this point (Laing's Knox, vi, 687-688) and observes that Knox had nothing to gain by his concealment of what he may have considered to be a private letter as opposed to a formal letter to be sent in the name of those present at the meeting. But, three years later, when the question again arose, Knox does not openly admit his letter to Calvin but, refusing to write, contents himself with saying that he has already had letters of many on this same question, and has heard the opinions of the most godly and learned in Europe. {Infra, 134)
The
Queen's first fray ' in Holy-
roodhouse
24 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
information ^), said that he should write. But that was only to drive time, as the truth declared its self. The Queen's party urged, " That the Queen should have her religion free in her own chapel, to do, she and her household, what they list." The ministers both affirmed and voted the contrary, adding, " That her liberty should be their thraldom ere it was long." But neither could reason nor threatening move the affections of such as were creeping in credit. And so did the votes of the lords prevail against the ministers.
For the punishment of theft and of reif, which had increased upon the Borders and in the South, from the Queen's arrival, was the Lord James made Lieutenant.^ Some suspected that such honour and charge proceeded from the same heart and counsel that Saul made David captain against the Philistines. But God assisted him, and bowed the hearts of men both to fear and obey him. Yea, the Lord Bothwell himself ^ at that time assisted him (but he had re- mission for Liddesdale). Sharp execution was made in Jedburgh, for twenty-eight of one clan and others were hanged at that Justice Court. ^ Bribes, budds,^ nor solicitation saved not the guilty, if he might be apprehended ; and therefore God prospered him in that his integrity.
That same time the said Lord James spake the Lord Grey of England ^ at Kelso, for good rule to be kept upon both the Borders, and agreed in all things.
Before his returning, the Queen upon a night took a fray ^ in her bed, as if horsemen had been in the close and the Palace had been enclosed about. Whether it proceeded of her own womanly fantasy, or if men put her in fear for displeasure of the Earl of Arran, and for other purposes, as for the erecting of the guard, we know not. But the fear was so great that the town was called to the watch. Lords Robert of Holyroodhouse, and John of Goldingham ^ kept the watch by course.^ Scouts were sent forth, and sentinels were com- manded under the pain of death to keep their stations. And yet
' This might mean either that the question was of great importance, or, and more significantly, that much depended upon the way the question was put. (See infra, 133)
' The arrangements for this Justice Court and the instructions given to the Lord James are printed in Reg. Privy Council of Scotland, i, 163-64, 184-87.
' James Hepburn, fourth Earl of Bothwell
• Randolph, writing to Cecil, 7 December 1561, says the Lord James burned many houses, hanged twenty-two or twenty-three [men], and " brought in " forty or fifty. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1049) ^ gifts intended as bribes
" William, Lord Grey de Wilton, then Warden of the East Marches of England. ' fright
• The Lords Robert Stewart and John Stewart, natural brothers of the Queen.
• in turn
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 25
they feared where there was no fear : neither yet could ever any appearance or suspicion of such things be tried. ^
Short after the returning of the Lord James, there came from the Queen of England, Sir Peter Mewtas,^ with commission to require the ratification of the Peace made at Leith. His answer was even such as we have heard before : that she behoved to advise, and then she should send answer.^
In presence of her Council she kept herself [very] grave, (for under the dule weed, * she could play the hypocrite in full perfection) ; but how soon that ever her French fillocks,^ fiddlers, and others of that band got the house alone there might be seen skipping not very comely for honest women, ^ Her common talk was, in secret, she saw nothing in Scotland but gravity, which repugned altogether to her nature, for she was brought up in joyousity ' ; so termed she her dancing and other things thereto belonging.
The General Assembly of the Church approached, held in December after the Queen's anival ; in the which began the rulers of the Court to draw themselves apart from the society of their brethren, and began to stir and grudge that anything should be consulted upon without their advice. Master John Wood, who before had shown himself very fervent in the cause of God, and forward in giving of his counsel in all doubtful matters, plainly refused ever to assist the Assembly again, whereof many did wonder. The courtiers drew unto them some of the lords, who would not Division convene with their brethren, as before they were accustomed, but Lords kept them in the Abbey. The principal commissioners of the ^J}^-''^^ churches, the superintendents, and some ministers passed unto ters
' Buchanan says that the whole affair was arranged by the Queen herself in order to secure a bodyguard without arousing the suspicions of the people (Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 450-51). Randolph says the "hurly-burly" took place about 9 p.m. on Sunday, 16 November, and gives a full account of it, indicating that the Queen seized the oppor- tunity to put Arran in disgrace {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1049). Later, he inclines to the opinion that there were grounds for the " trouble," and that " unadvised " words had passed Arran {ibid., i. No. 1058). Certainly the affair led to the establishment of a small bodyguard for the Queen of which James Stewart [of Cardonald] was captain {ibid., \, No. 1058). See also Hay Fleming, Mary Qiteen of Scots, 271, note 66, and Pollen, Papal Negotiations with Mary Queen of Scots, 271, note 4.
^ The commission to Sir Peter Mewtas is dated 1 7 September 1 56 1 . {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv, No. 506)
' Mary apparently answered that as there were divers matters in the Treaty which touched her late husband, it would be better to have a new meeting for such matters as touched her only. Therein she was almost certainly thinking of her succession to the English throne. (See Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. No. 648)
■* mourning ' fillies ; wanton young women * See infra, 68
' See infra, 36
26 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
them, where they were convened in the Abbot's lodging within Holyroodhouse. Both the parties began to open their grief. The lords complained that the ministers drew the gentlemen into secret, and held councils without their knowledge. The ministers denied that they had done anything in secret, or otherwise than the common order commanded them ; and accused the lords (the flatterers of the Queen we mean) that they kept not the Convention with their brethren, considering that they knew the order, and that the same was appointed by their own advice, as the Book of Discipline, sub- scribed with the most part of their own hands, would witness. Some began to deny that ever they knew such a thing as the Book of Discipline ; and called also in doubt, whether it was expedient that such conventions should be or not ; for gladly would the Queen and her Secret Council have had all assemblies of the godly dis- charged.
The reasoning was sharp and quick on either part. The Queen's faction alleged that it was suspicious to princes that subjects should assemble themselves and keep conventions without their knowledge. It was answered. That without knowledge of the Prince, the Church did nothing. For the Prince perfectly understood that within this realm there was a Reformed Church, and that they had their orders and appointed times of convention ; and so without knowledge of the Prince they did nothing. " Yea," said Lethington, " the Queen knew and knowest it well enough ; but the question is. Whether that the Queen allows such conventions ? " It was answered, " If the liberty of the Church should stand upon the Queen's allowance or disallowance, we are assured not only to lack assemblies, but also to lack the pubHc preaching of the Evangel." That affirmative was mocked, and the contrary affirmed. " Well (said the other), ^ time will try the truth ; but to my former words this will I add, take from us the freedom of Assemblies, and take from us the Evangel "^ ; for without Assemblies, how shall good order and^ unity in doctrine be kept? It is not to be supposed that all ministers shall be so perfect but that they shall need admonition, as well concerning manners as doctrine, as it may be that some be so stiff-necked that they will not admit the admonition of the simple ; as also it may be that fault may be found with ministers without just offence committed : and yet if order be not taken both with the complainer and the persons com-
' Certainly Knox
^ Or, in the ultimate resort, the lieges must be able to convocate to protect the religion they have secured.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 27
plained upon, it cannot be avoided but that many grievous offences shall arise. For remedy whereof, of necessity it is that General Assemblies must be, in the which the judgment and the gravity of many may concur to correct or to repress the follies or errors of a few." Hereunto consented the most part, as well of the nobility as of the barons, and willed the reasoners for the part of the Queen to will her Grace, if that she stood in any suspicion of anything that was to be entreated in their Assemblies, that it would please her Grace to send such as she would appoint to hear whatsoever was proponed or reasoned.
Hereafter was the Book of Discipline proponed, and desired to have been ratified by the Queen's Majesty. That was scripped at,^ Lethington and the question was demanded, " How many of those that had him to the subscribed that Book would be subject unto it ? " It was answered, ^9°^? ."/ , *' All the godly." " Will the Duke ? " « said Lethington. " If he ^ will not," answered the Lord Ochiltree,* " I would that he were scraped out, not only of that book, but also out of our number and company. For to what purpose shall labours be taken to put the Kirk in order, and to what end shall men subscribe, and then never mean to keep word of that which they promise ? " Lethington answered, " Many subscribed there in fide parentum, as the bairns are baptized." One, to wit John Knox,^ answered, " Albeit ye think that scoff proper, yet as it is most untrue so is it most improper. That Book was read in public audience, and by the space of divers days the heads thereof were reasoned, as all that here sit know well enough, and ye yourself cannot deny ; so that no man was required to subscribe that which he understood not." " Stand content (said one), that Book will not be obtained." " Let God (said the other), require the lack which this poor commonwealth shall have of the things therein contained, from the hands of such as stop the same."
The barons perceiving that the Book of Discipline was refused, presented unto the Council certain articles requiring idolatry to be suppressed, their churches to be planted with true ministers, and some certain provision to be made for them, according to equity and conscience ; for unto that time the most part of the ministers had
^ mocked
' In the manuscript (folio 312 recto) this marginal note is not in the text hand.
^ Chatelherault * Andrew Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree
' In the manuscript (folio 312 recto) after " One " there is a caret and the words " to wit Jone Knox " are added above the line ; there is a second caret after " ansuered " and the words " to wit Jo" Knox " are added in the margin, in Knox's own hand. A facsimile of this page is given in National Manuscripts of Scotland, iii, No. 60.
(653) VOL n 3
28 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
lived upon the benevolence of men. For many held into their own hands the fruits that the Bishops and others of that sect had before abused ; and so some part was bestowed upon the ministers. But then the Bishops began to grip again to that which most unjustly they called their own ; for the Earl of Arran was discharged of Saint Andrews and Dunfermline, wherewith before, by virtue of a factory, he had intromitted ^ : and so were many others. And there- fore the barons required that order might be taken for their ministers, or else they would no more obey the Bishops, neither yet suffer any thing to be lifted up to their use after the Queen's arrival, than that they did before ; for they verily supposed that the Queen's Majesty would keep promise made unto them, which was, not to alter their religion, which could not remain without ministers, and ministers could not live without provision : and therefore they heartly desired the Council to provide some convenient order in that head.
That somewhat moved the Queen's flatterers ; for the rod of impiety was not then strengthened in her and their hands. And so began they to practise how they should please the Queen and yet seem somewhat to satisfy the faithful ; and so devised they that the church men ^ should have intromission with the two parts of their benefices, and that the third part should be lifted up by such men as thereto should be appointed, for such uses, as in the Acts [of Secret Council] is more fully expressed.^
The names of the Nobility and Lords that were present at the making of the foresaid Acts * hereafter follow :
James, Duke of Chatelherault James, Commendator of Saint Andrews
George, Earl Huntly and Pittenweem
Archibald, Earl Argyll John, Lord Erskine
William, Earl Marischal John Bellenden of Auchnoull, knight,
John, Earl AthoU Justice Clerk ^
* With which he had intermeddled by virtue of letters under authority of the Privy Council authorizing the appointment of a factor or chamberlain to ingather the revenues {infra, 330). ^ That is, the old hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church.
^ In the manuscript, " as in these subsequent Acts are more fully expressed " ; and Knox then inserts the relevant Acts of the Privy Council, under which the old church was to be allowed to retain two-thirds of the rents of all benefices, and the remaining one- third of the rents was to be ingathered, by Collectors appointed by the Queen, to meet " the charges to be borne for the common weal of the realm," and also " the sustentation of the Preachers " of the Reformed Kirk. These are printed infra, Appendix IX
* See infra, Appendix IX
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 2Q
William, Earl Montrose The Treasurer
James, Earl Morton The Clerk of Register, and
Alex'., Earl of Glencairn The Secretary ^
After the first Act, the Earl of Huntly said, jestingly, " Good day, my Lords of the Two part."
The whole Rentals being gathered, the sum of the Third, accord- ing to their own calculation, was found to extend to. . . .^
The Ministers, even in the beginning, in public sermons opposed themselves to such corruption, for they foresaw the purpose of the Devil, and clearly understood the butt whereat the Queen and her John flatterers shot ; and so m the stool of Edmburgh, John Knox said : judgment " Well, if the end of this order, pretended to be taken for sustentation ^^^'!jj^. of the ministers, be happy, my judgment faileth me ; for I am assured that the Spirit of God is not the author of it ; for, first, I see two parts freely given to the Devil, and the third must be divided betwix God and the Devil. Well, bear witness to me that this day I say it, ere it be long the Devil shall have three parts of the Third ; and judge you then what God's portion shall be." ^ This
* These names are those of the sederunt of the Privy Council at its meeting on 22 December 1561 {infra, 326) ; the sederunt differed at each of the subsequent meetings of the Council when the arrangement was under consideration. In the manuscript this sederunt is repeated on the immediately following page (folio 317 verso) with the addition of the Comptroller who, however, does not appear in the sederunt in the Register of the Privy Council. The officials whose names are not given were : Mr. Robert Richardson, Treasurer ; Mr. James McGill of Nether Rankeillor, Clerk of Register ; William Maitland of Lethington, Secretary ; and Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, Comptroller.
^ In the manuscript (folio 317 verso), a space of two lines has been left blank for the sum to be inserted. The Accounts of the Collectors of the Thirds of the Benefices are now being edited by Dr. Gordon Donaldson, for the Scottish History Society, from the records still extant in the General Register House, and I have had the advantage of reading the draft of Dr. Donaldson's introduction to the forthcoming volume. Exact figures are impossible, because of exceptions, deductions, remissions, and variations from year to year ; but it would appear that the amount of the " Thirds " in 1562 was well over ^^76,000, of which about £,T2,^oo came in and of which ;{^26,ooo went in stipends to the ministers. But in succeeding years, as the History shows, there were more and more remissions, the difficulties of collection increased, and more and more the ministers were " frustrated of their stipends." A number of the records were earlier examined by Bishop Keith in the first half of the eighteenth century, and his extracts and calculations will be found in History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland (Spottiswoode Society), iii, 370-387. According to Keith, the total sum of the " Thirds " came to ^^72,491, of which the Reformed Kirk received ^{^24,231.
^ In a supplication to the Queen, of July 1562, the ministers state that they are all " so cruelly entreated by this last pretended Order taken for sustentation of ministers, that their latter misery far surmounteth the former. For now the poor labourers of the ground are so oppressed by the cruelty of those that pay their Third, [in] that they for the most part advance upon the poor whatosever they pay to the Queen, or to any other." {Infra, 49 ; Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 22)
30 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
was an unsavoury saying in the ears of many. Some ashamed not to affirm, " The ministers being sustained, the Queen will not get at the year's end to buy her a pair of new shoes." And this was Secretary Lethington.
There were appointed to modify ^ the ministers' stipends, the Earls Argyll, Moray, and Morton, Lethington, the Justice Clerk, and Clerk of Register. The Laird of Pittarrow was appointed to pay the ministers' stipends according to their modification. ^ Who would
Let this have thought that when Joseph ruled Egypt that his brethren should have travelled for victuals, and have returned with empty sacks unto their families ? Men would rather have thought that Pharaoh's pose,^ treasure, and garnalls * should have been diminished, ere that the household of Jacob should stand in danger to starve for hunger.
But so busy and circumspect were the Modificators (because it was a new office, the term must also be new), that the ministers should not be over wanton,^ that a hundred marks ^ was sufficient to a single man, being a common minister. Three hundred marks was the highest that was appointed to any, except unto the Super- intendents, and unto a few others. Shortly, whether it was the niggardness of their own hearts, or the care that they had to enrich the Queen, we know not, but the poor Ministers, Readers, and Exhorters cried out to the heaven (as their complaints in all Assemblies do witness) that neither were they able to live upon the stipends appointed, neither could they get payment of that small thing that was appointed. So fain would the Comptroller ' have played the good valet, and have satisfied the Queen, or else his own profit in
A proverb every point, that he got this dicton ^ and proverb, " The good Laird of Pittarrow was an earnest professor of Christ ; but the mekle Devil receive the Comptroller, for he and his Collectors are become greedy factors." "^
^ assess, or determine the amount of
^ Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow, who had been appointed as Comptroller on 16 February 1562, was appointed as Collector General of the " Thirds " on i March 1562. (MS. Register of the Privy Seal, xxxi, 3, 5)
• hoard ^ granaries ' extravagant
• The mark was not a coin ; it was a reckoning of two-thirds of a pound, that is, thirteen shillings and fourpence. One hundred marks was thus ;^66, 13s. 4d. It should be noted that these amounts were not greatly different from those recommended in the Book of Discipline {infra, 289) ; and it is therefore difficult to understand Knox's petulance
' Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow
' saying. (More usually ditton ; but from French dicton)
• But when Wishart relinquished office he was about ;^5,ooo out of pocket.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 3 1
To put an end to this unpleasing matter : when the Brethren complained of their poverty, it was disdainfully answered of some, " There are many Lords have not so much to spend." When men did reason that the vocation of Ministers craved of them books, quietness, study, and travel, to edify the Kirk of Jesus Christ, when that many Lairds were waiting upon their worldly business, and therefore, that the stipends of ministers, who had none other industry, but to live upon that which was appointed, ought not to be modified according to the livings of common men, who might, and did daily augment their rents by some other industry ; when such reasons were laid before them, they got none other answer, but " The Queen can spare no greater sums." Oft was it cried into their ears, " O happy servants of the Devil, and miserable servants of Jesus Christ, if that after this life there were not hell and heaven." For to the servants of the devil, to your dumb dogs and horned bishops, to one of those idle bellies (I say) ten thousand was not enough ; but to the servants of Christ that painfully preach his evangel, a thousand pounds ; how can that be sustained ?
One day, in reasoning of this matter, the Secretary burst out in a piece of his choler, and said, " The ministers have this much paid unto them by year, and who yet ever bade the Queen ' grand- mercies ' for it ? Was there ever a minister that gave thanks to God for her Majesty's liberality towards them ? " One ^ smiled and answered, " Assuredly, I think, that such as receive anything gratis of the Queen, are unthankful if they acknowledge it not, both in heart and mouth. But whether that the ministers be of that rank or not, I greatly doubt. Gratis, I am assured, they receive nothing ; and whether they receive anything at all from the Queen, wise men may reason. ^ I am assured that neither third nor two part ever appertained to any of her predecessors within this realm these thousand years bypast, neither yet has the Queen better title to that which she usurps, by giving it to others, or in taking [it] to herself, than such as crucified Christ Jesus had to divide his garments amongst them. And if the truth may be spoken, she has not so good title as they had ; for such spoil used to be the reward of such men. And in that point those soldiers were more gentle than the Queen and her flatterers, for they parted not the garments of our Master till that he himself was hung upon the cross ; but she and her flatterers do part the spoil while as ^ poor Christ is yet preaching
* Undoubtedly Knox ^ question
' In the manuscript (folio 319 recto) " till that " has been corrected to " while as."
32 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
amongst you. But the wisdom of our God takes trial of us by these means, knowing well enough what she and her faction have purposed to do. Let the Papists, who have the two parts, some that have their thirds free,^ and some that have got Abbacies and feu lands thank the Queen, and sing, Placebo Domince. The poor preachers will not yet flatter for feeding of their bellies." These words were judged proud and intolerable, and engendered no small displeasure to the speaker.
This we put in memory, that the posterities to come may know that God once made his truth to triumph ; but because that some of ourselves delighted more in darkness than in light, God hath restrained our freedom, and put the whole body in bondage. Yea, the greatest flatterers have not escaped so free as they supposed ; yea, the latter plagues appear yet to be worse than the first. " Be merciful to us, O Lord, and entreat us not according to our deservings ; but look thou to the equity of the cause which thou hast put into our hands, and suffer not iniquity to oppress thy truth, for thy own name's sake, O Lord."
In this meantime, to wit in February, the year of God 1561,^ was
the Lord James first made Earl of Mar, ^ and then married upon Agnes
Marriage Keith, daughter to the Earl Marischal. The marriage was public
Earl of in the church of Edinburgh.^ In the marriage they both got an
^"'^ admonition to behave themselves moderately in all things : " For,
(said the preacher ^ to him), unto this day the Kirk of God hath
received comfort by you, and by your labours ; in the which, if
hereafter ye shall be found fainter than that ye were before, it will be
said that your wife hath changed your nature." The greatness of
the banquet, and the vanity used thereat, offended many godly.
There began the masking which from year to year hath continued
^ That is, those to whom remissions had been granted ^
^ That is, February 1562
^ The Lord James Stewart was created Earl of Mar on 7 February 1562 {Antiquities of Aberdeen and Banff, Spalding Club, iv, 743) ; he resigned the earldom a few months later (Scots Peerage, vi, 314), and by February 1 563 he had assumed the title of Earl of Moray, that earldom having been granted to him by charter as early as January 1562.
* According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (70), the marriage of the Lord James Stewart with Agnes Keith, eldest daughter of William, fourth Earl Marischal, was celebrated on 8 February 1562, " with sik solemnitie as the lyk hes not bene sein befoir ; the haill nobilitie of this realrne being thair present, and convoyit ihame doun to the Abbay of Halyrudhous, quhair the banket wes maid, and the Quenis Grace thairat." Randolph, however, dates the banquet as 10 February [infra, 33, note 2). 8 February was a Sunday.
* The preacher was John Knox.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 33
since, ^ Master Randolph, agent for the Queen of England, was then, and sometime after, in no small conceit with our Queen ; for his Mistress's sake, she drank to him [in] a cup of gold, which he possessed with greater joy, for the favour of the giver, than of the gift and value thereof ; and yet it was honourable. ^
The things that then were in handling betwix the two Queens, whereof Lethington, Secretary Cecil, and Master Randolph were ministers, were of great weight, as we will after hear.
This winter, the Earl Both well, the Marquis d'Elboeuf, and Lord John of Coldingham, played the riot in Edinburgh, mJsordered the whole town, broke Cuthbert Ramsay's yetts^ and doors, [and] sought his house for his good-daughter * Alison Craik. And this was done in despite of the Earl of Arran, whose whore the said Alison was suspected to have been.^ The horror of this fact, and the rarity of it, highly commoved all godly hearts. The Assembly, and also the nobility, for the most part were in the town ; and so they concluded to crave justice, as that they did, as by this subsequent Supplication doth appear :
To THE Queen's Majesty and her Secret and Great Council,
Her Grace's faithful and obedient Subjects, the Professors
OF Christ Jesus his holy Evangel, wish the spirit of
righteous judgment.^
The fear of God conceived of his holy word, the natural and
unfeigned love we bear unto your Grace, the duty which we owe to
the quietness of our country, and the terrible threatenings which
our God pronounces against every realm and city in the which
horrible crimes are openly committed, and then by the committers
obstinately defended, compel us, a great part of your subjects, humbly
' Knox is here unjust to the Lord James Stewart with whom he had recently differed witli regard to the Queen's Mass {supra, 5, 8). Masking did not begin with this marriage ; there had been masking at Holyrood as early as October 1561. (Robertson, Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface, Ixxv)
^ This is reported by Randolph in a letter of 12 February to Cecil, where he says that Mary drank to Elizabeth and then sent him the cup of gold which weighed eighteen or twenty ounces. Randolph speaks of the banquet being held on " Shrove Tuesday at night," tliat is, on 10 February. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1077)
' gates * daughter-in-law, but in the modern sense oi^ step-daughter
' According to Randolph, writing to Cecil on 27 December 1561, Arran was " known to have had company of a good handsome wench, a merchant's daughter." (See his account of the " disorder " in Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1056)
° Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 11 -12. The Supplication is prefaced with a particular recitation of the " horrible fact and impiety committed . . . under silence of night by the Marquis d'Elboeuf and his colleagues in breaking up of Cuthbert Ramsay's yets and doors, and searching and seeking his daughter-in-law to oppress her."
34 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
to crave of your Grace upright and true judgment against such persons as have done what in them hes to kindle God's wrath against this whole realm. The impiety by them committed is so heinous and so horrible, that as it is a fact most vile and rare to be heard of within this realm, and principally within the bowels of this city, so should we think ourselves guilty in the same, if negligently, or yet for worldly fear we pass it over with silence. And therefore your Grace may not think that we require anything (while that we crave open malefactors condignly to be punished) but that which God has commanded us to crave, and has also commanded your Grace to give to every one of your subjects ; for by this link has God knit together the prince and the people, that as he commands honour, fear, and obedience to be given to the powers established by him, so does he in expressed words command and declare what the prince oweth unto the subjects, to wit, that as he is the Minister of God, bearing his sword for vengeance to be taken on evil doers, and for the defence of peaceable and quiet men, so ought he to draw the same without all partiality so oft as in God's name he is required thereto. Seeing so it is (Madam), that this crime so recently committed, and that in the eyes of your whole realm now presently assembled, is so heinous, for who heretofore have heard within the bowels of Edinburgh, yetts and doors under silence of night burst up, houses ryped ^ (and that with hostility), seeking a woman as [it] appeared to oppress her ; seeing, we say, that this crime is so heinous, that all godly men fear not only God's sore displeasure to fall upon you and your whole realm, but also that such liberty breed contempt, and in the end sedition, if remedy in time be not provided, which in our judgment is impossible, if severe punishment be not executed for the crime committed ; Therefore, we most humbly beseech your Grace, that all affection set aside, ye declare yourself so upright in this case that ye may give evident demonstration to all your subjects that the fear of God, joined with the love of the common tranquillity, have principal seat and dominion in your Grace's heart. This further. Madam, of conscience we speak, that as your Grace in God's name does crave of us obedience (which to render in all things lawful we are most willing) so in the same name do we, the whole Professors of Christ's Evangel within this your Grace's Realm, crave of you and of your Council sharp punishment of this crime ; and for performance thereof, that without all delay the principal actors of this most heinous crime, and the pursuers of this pretended - villainy, may be called
' searched " attempted
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 35
before the Chief Justice of this Realm, to suffer an assize, and to be punished according to the laws of the same : And your Grace's answer most humbly we beseech.
This Supplication was presented by divers gentlemen. The flatterers of the Court at the first stormed, and asked, " Who durst avow it ? " To whom the Master, now Lord Lindsay ^ answered, " A thousand gentlemen within Edinburgh." Others were ashamed to oppose themselves thereto in pubhc ; but they suborned the Queen to give a gentle answer unto such time as the Convention was dis- solved. And so she did ; for she lacks no craft, both to cloak and to maintain impiety (and whoredom in especial). She alleged, " That her Uncle ^ was a stranger, and he had a young company ; but she should put such order unto him, and unto all others, that hereafter they should have no occasion to complain," And so deluded she the just petition of her subjects ; and no wonder, for how shall she punish in others that vice which in France is free without punishment, and which Kings and Cardinals use most commonly, as the mask and dancing of Orleans can witness, wherein virgins and men's "^^^^ '"^^ wives were made as common to King Harry ^ and Charles, the Cardinal,* [and] unto their Court and pages, as common harlots of the bordel ^ are unto their companions. The manner was thus :
At the entry of King Harry of France in the town of Orleans, the matrons, virgins, and men's wives, were commanded to present themselves in the King's palace at night, to dance : and they obeyed ; for commonly the French nation is not hard to be entreated to vanity. After fiddling and flinging, and when the Cardinal of Lorraine had espied his prey, he said to the King, " Sire, la primiere est vostre, etfaut que je suis le second." That is to say, " Sire, the first choice is yours, and I must be the second." And so the King got the pre-eminence, that he had his first election. But because Cardinals are companions to Kings, the Cardinal of Lorraine had the next : And thereafter the torches were put out, and every man commanded to provide for himself the best he might. What cry was there of husbands for their wives ; of wives, for their husbands ; of ancient matrons for their daughters ; and of virgins for their friends, or for some honest man to defend their pudicity, Orleans will remember more king's days than one.
This horrible villainy, a fruit of the Cardinal of Lorraine's religion,
' Patrick, later sixth Lord Lindsay of the Byres
^ That is, Ren^, Marquis d'Elboeuf = Henry II, King of France
' Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, another of Mary's uncles ' brothel
Our
Queen's education
[G]od has now [d]orie it, 1567 -
The
Hamiltons
against
Bothwell
and the
Marquis
36 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
we shortly touch to let all the world understand what subjects may look of such magistrates ; for such pastime to them is but joyousity, wherein our Queen was brought up.^ We call her not a whore (albeit her dame heard more than we will write), but she was brought up in the company of the wildest whoremongers (yea, of such as no more regarded incest than honest men regard the company of their lawful wives) ; in the company of such men (we say), was our | Queen brought up. What she was, and is, herself best knows, and God (we doubt not), will further declare.
But punishment of that enormity and fearful attemptat ^ we could get none : but more and more they presumed to do violence, and frequented nightly masking. Some, as Robin Craig's house, because his daughter was fair, delighted therein : others lamented, and began to bear the matter very heavily. At length the Lord Duke's friends assembled upon a night upon the calsey.^ The Abbot of Kilwinning ^ (who then was joined to the Church, and so, as we understand, yet abideth) was the principal man at the beginning. To him repaired many faithful ; and amongst others came Andrew Stewart, Lord Ochiltree, a man rather born to make peace than to brag upon the calsey, and demanded the quarrel ; and being informed of the former enormity said, " Nay, such impiety shall not be sufTered so long as God shall assist us. The victory that God in his mercy hath given us, we will by his grace maintain." And so he commanded his son, Andrew Stewart, then Master,^ and his servants to put themselves in order, and to bring forth their spears and long weapons ; and so did others. The word came to the Earl Bothwell and his, that the Hamiltons were upon the gait.' Vows were made, " That the Hamiltons should be doung,^ not only out of the town, but also out of the country." Lord John of Coldingham had married the said Earl Bothwell's sister (a sufficient woman for such a man ^) — allia ^^ drew the Lord Robert ^^ ; and so they joined
1 Cf. supra, i, 103 ; ii, 25
^ This marginal note must have been added subsequently. It is not in the hand of the text (Hand A), and may be compared with the marginal note, supra, i, 103.
' unlawfid enterprise
* A brief account of this further " incident " is given in Diurnal of Occurrents (70) under the date 1 9 December 1 56 1 .
' Gavin Hamilton, Commendator of Kilwinning
° Andrew Stewart, eldest son of Andrew Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree, predeceased his father. ' That is, were waiting to attack them in the street. * driven
' The Lord John Stewart, Commendator of Coldingham, a natural son of James V, married Jean Hepburn, daughter of Patrick, third Earl of Bothwell, in January 1562. '" alliance " Lord Robert Stewart, Commendator of Holyrood, also a natural son of James V.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 37
both with the said Earl Bothwell. But the stoutness of the Marquis Le Boeuf (d'Elboeuf they call him) is most to be commended ; for in his chamber, within the Abbey, he started to a halberd, and ten men were scarce able to hold him ; but as hap was ^ the inner yett of the Abbey kept him that night ; and the danger was betwix the Cross and the Salt Trone ^ ; and so he was a large quarter of [a] mile from the shot and sklenting ^ of bolts. The Master of Maxwell -• gave declaration to the Earl Bothwell, " That if he stirred forth of his lodging, he, and all that would assist him, should resist him in the face " ; whose words did somewhat beat down that blast. The Earls of Huntly and Moray, being in the Abbey where the Marquis was, came with their companies, sent from the Queen to stay that tumult, as that they did ; for Bothwell and his were commanded, under pain of treason, to keep their lodgings.^
It was whispered of many that the Earl of Moray's displeasure was as much sought as any haitterent that the Hamiltons bare against the Earl Bothwell, or yet he against them. And in very deed, either had the Duke very false servants, or else by Huntly and the Hamiltons the Earl of Moray's death was ofter conspired than once : the suspicion whereof burst forth so far that, upon a day, the said Earl, being upon horse to have come to the sermon, was charged by one of the Duke's own servants to return and abide with the Queen. The bruit thereof spread over all. What ground it had we cannot say ; but short thereafter the Duke and some of the Lords convened at Glasgow ; their conclusion was not known. The Earl of Arran came to Edinburgh, where the Earl Bothwell lay. The Queen and the Court were departed to Fife, and remained sometimes in Saint Andrews and sometimes in Falkland.^
The Earl Bothwell, by the means of James Barron, burgess, and then merchant of Edinburgh, desired to speak with John Knox secretly ; which the said John gladly granted, and spake him upon a night, first in the said James's lodging, and thereafter in his own study. The sum of all their communication and conference was :
^ as it happened
^ That would be in the present High Street, between the Market Cross and the Tron Church. ^ the crossfire
* John, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell ; later Lord Herries.
' Randolph, writing to Cecil on 27 December 1561, says that to avoid trouble Bothwell was to leave the town until 8 January {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1056) ; the Diurnal of Occurrents (70) says that Bothwell " departed with his friends furth of Edinburgh at the Queen's command " on 21 December.
« Apparently from early in March until early in May, 1562. (See the Itinerary in Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 518)
38 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
The Earl The said Earl lamented his former inordinate life, and especially that
His Zm- he was provoked by the enticements of the Queen Regent to do that
muning vvhich he sore repented, as well against the Laird of Ormiston,^
Knox whose blood was spilt, albeit not in his default. But his chief dolour
was that he had misbehaved himself against the Earl of Arran,^
whose favours he was most willing to redeem, if possible it were that
so he might ; and desired the said John to give him his best counsel,
" For (said he), if I might have my Lord of Arran's favours, I would
await upon the Court with a page and few servants, to spare my
expenses, where now I am compelled to keep, for my own saftey, a
number of wicked and unprofitable men, to the utter destruction
of my living that is left."
To the which the said John answered, " My Lord, would to God that in me were counsel or judgment that might comfort and relieve you. For albeit that to this hour it hath not chanced me to speak with your Lordship face to face, yet have I borne a good mind to your house ; and have been sorry at my heart of the troubles that I have heard you to be involved in. For, my Lord, my grand- father, goodsire, and father,^ have served your Lordship's prede- cessors, and some of them have died under their standards * ; and this is a part of the obligation of our Scottish kindness ^ : but this is not the chief. But as God has made me his public messenger of glad tidings, so is my will earnest that all men may embrace it, which perfectly they cannot, so long as that there remaineth in them rancour, malice, or envy. I am very sorry that ye have given occasion unto men to be offended with you ; but I am more sorry that ye have offended the Majesty of God, who by such means oft punishes the other sins of man. And therefore my counsel is, that ye begin at God, with whom if ye will enter in perfect reconciliation, I doubt not but he shall bow the hearts of men to forget all offences. And as for me, if ye will continue in godliness, your Lordship shall command me as boldly as any that serves your Lordship."
^ See supra, i, 258-259. But as recently as March 1562, Bothwell and eight companions had " lain again in wait for the Laird of Ormiston." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1089) ^ See Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1089 ; Laing's Knox, vi, 140
' That is, Knox's great-grandfather, his grandfather, and his father. This terminology is even used in the Glasgow MS. (See Laing's Knox, vi, 688)
* This statement is interesting and important. It is our only reliable information with regard to Knox's family.
' Kindness is here used in the sense of kinship. Earlier Knox has referred to Hailes as being "the principal place that then [1546] the Earl Bothwell had in Lothian" {supra, i, 71). Hailes is in the parish of Prestonkirk, East Lothian. Did the Knox family hold lands in that neighbourhood ?
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 39
The said Lord desired him that he would tempt ^ the Earl of Arran's mind, if he would be content to accept him in his favours, which he promised to do ; and so earnestly travailed in that matter, that it was once ^ brought to such an end as all the faithful praised God for that agreement. The greatest stay ^ stood upon the satisfaction of the Laird of Ormiston, who, beside his former hurt, as is before declared,* was even in that same time of the communing, pursued by the said Lord Both well, his son Master Alexander Cockburn taken by him, and carried with him to Borthwick ; but gently enough sent back again, ^
That new trouble so greatly displeased John Knox that he almost gave over further travailing for amity. But yet, upon the excuse of the said Earl, and upon the declaration of his mind, he re-entered in labours, and so brought it to pass that the Laird of Ormiston referred his satisfaction in all things to the judgment of the Earls of Arran and Moray, whom to the said Earl Bothwell submitted himself in that head, and thereupon delivered his hand write. And so was convoyed by certain of his friends to the lodging of the Kirk-of-Field, where the Earl of Arran was with his friends, and the said John Knox with him, to bear witness and testification of the end of the agreement.^ As the said Earl Bothwell entered at the chamber door, and would Recomili- have done those honours that friends had appointed (Master Gavin twix the Hamilton and the Laird of Riccarton,'' were the chief friends that ^"-^^ °-^ ,
' _ Arran and
communed), the said Earl of Arran gently passed unto him, embraced Earl him, and said, " If the hearts be upright, few ceremonies may serve ^^^ ^^ ' and content me."
The said John Knox, in audience of them both, and of their friends, said, " Now, my Lords, God hath brought you together by the labours of simple men, in respect of such as would have travailed therein. I know my labours are already taken in an evil part ; but because I have the testimony of a good conscience before my God, that whatsoever I have done, I have done it in his fear, for the profit of you both, for the hurt of none and for the tranquillity of this Realm ; seeing (I say), that my conscience beareth witness to me what I have sought and continually seek, I the more patiently bear the misreports and wrangous judgments of men. And now I leave
' test ^ at one time ^ obstacle * Supra, i, 258-259
' See the account of this incident in Randolph's letter to Cecil of 31 March 1562.
There Randolph says the son was " led away till near Crichton, where the neighbours
of the country (the Laird's friends) rescued him, driving Bothwell into his own house."
{Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1089) ' That is, the reaching of the agreement
' Alexander Hepburn of Whitsome and Riccarton
4.0 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
you in peace, and desire you that are the friends to study that amity may increase, all former offences being forgot." The friends on either party embraced other, and the two Earls departed to a window, and talked by themselves famiharly a reasonable space. And thereafter the Earl Bothwell departed for that night ; and upon the next day in the morning returned, with some of his honest friends, and came to the sermon with the Earl foresaid ; whereat many rejoiced. But God had another work to work than the eyes of men could espy.
The Thursday next ^ they dined together ; and thereafter the said Earl Bothwell and Master Gavin Hamilton rode to my Lord Duke's Grace, who then was in Kinneil.'^ What communication was betwix them it is not certainly known, but by the report which the said Earl of Arran made to the Queen's Grace, and unto the Earl of Moray, by his writings.^ For upon Friday,^ the fourth day after their reconciliation, the sermon being ended, the said Earl of Arran came to the house of the said John Knox, and brought with him Master Richard Strang and Alexander Guthrie, to whom he opened the grief of his mind before that John Knox was called ; for he was occupied (as commonly he used to be after his sermons) in directing of writings. Which ended, the said Earl called the three together, and said, " I am treasonably betrayed " ; and with these words began to weep. John Knox demanded, " My Lord, who has betrayed you ? " "A Judas, or other (said he) ; but I know it is but my life that is sought : I regard it not." The other said, " My Lord, I understand not such dark manner of speaking : if I shall give you any answer, ye must speak more plain." " Well (said he), I take you three to witness that I open this unto you, and I will write it unto the Queen. An act of treason is laid to my charge ; the Earl Bothwell has shown to me in council, that he shall take the Queen, and put her in my hands in the Castle of Dumbarton ; and that he shall slay the Earl of Moray, Lethington, and^ others that now misguide her : and so shall I and he rule all. But I know that this is devised to accuse me of treason ; for I know that he will inform the Queen of it : But I take you to witness, that I open it here unto you ; and I will pass incontinent and write to the Queen's Majesty, and unto my brother the Earl of Moray."
John Knox demanded, " Did ye consent, my Lord, to any part
' 26 March 1562 ^ Kinneil House, West Lothian
' For further accounts of the subsequent strange story see Randolph's letters {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, Nos. 1089, 1090, 1091, 1095) and Diurnal of Occurrents, 71. * Good Friday, 27 March 1562
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 4 1
of that treason ? " He answered, " Nay." " Then (said he), in my judgment, his words, albeit they were spoken, can never be treason unto you ; for the performance of the fact depends upon your will, whereto ye say ye have dissented ; and so shall that purpose evanish and die by the self, unless that ye waken it ; for it is not to be supposed that he will accuse you of that which he himself [has] devised, and whereto ye would not consent." " O (said he), ye understand not what craft is used against me : It is treason to conceal treason." "My Lord (said he), Treason must import consent and determination, which I hear upon neither of your parts. And therefore, my Lord, in my judgment it shall be more sure and more honourable to you to depend upon your [own] inno- cence, and to abide the unjust accusation of another (if any follow thereof, as I think there shall not), than ye to accuse (especially after so late reconciliation) and have none other witnesses but your own affirmation." " I know (said he) that he will offer the combat unto me ; but that would not be suffered in France ; but I will do that which I have purposed." And so he departed, and took with him to his lodging the said Alexander Guthrie and Mr. Richard Strang ; from whence was dited and written a letter to the Queen's Majesty, according to the former purpose, which letter was directed with all diligence to the Queen's Majesty, who then was in Falkland.
The Earl himself rode after to Kinneil, to his father, the Duke's Grace. How he was entreated, we have but the common bruit ; but from thence he wrote another letter with his own hand, in cipher, to the Earl of Moray, complaining upon his rigorous handling and entreatment by his own father, and by his friends ; and affirmed further, that he feared his life, in case that he got not sudden rescue. But thereupon he remained not, but broke the chamber wherein he was put, and with great pain passed to Stirling, and from thence he was convoyed to the Hallyards,^ where he was kept till that the Earl of Moray came unto him, and convoyed him to the Queen, then being in Falkland, who then was sufficiently instructed of the whole matter ; and upon suspicion conceived, had caused apprehend Master Gavin Hamilton and the Earl Bothwell foresaid ; who know- ing nothing of the former advertisements, came to Falkland, which augmented the former suspicion.
But yet the letters of John Knox made all things to be used more circumspectly ; for he did plainly forewarn the Earl of Moray that he espied the Earl of Arran to be stricken with frenzy, and therefore
^ Hallyards, Auchtertool, Fife. At that time a seat of Kirkcaldy of Grange.
42 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
willed not over great credit to be given unto his words and inventions. And as he advertised, so it came to pass ; for within few days his sickness increased ; he devised of wondrous signs that he saw in the heavens ; he alleged that he was bewitched ; he would have been in the Queen's bed, and affirmed that he was her husband ; and finally, he behaved himself in all things so foolishly, that his frenzy could not be hid. And yet were the said Earl Bothwell and Abbot of Kilwinning ^ kept in the Castle of Saint Andrews, and convened before the Council, with the said Earl of Arran, who ever stood firm that the Earl Bothwell proponed to him such things as he advertised the Queen's Grace of; but stiffly denied that his father, the said Abbot, or friends, knew anything thereof, either yet that they intended any violence against him ; but alleged that he was en- chanted 2 so to think and write. Whereat the Queen, highly offended, committed him to prison, with the other two, first in the Castle of Saint Andrews, and thereafter caused them to be convoyed to the Castle of Edinburgh.^ James Stewart of Cardonald, called Captain James,* was evil bruited [of] for the rigorous entreatment that he showed to the said Earl in his sickness, being appointed keeper unto him.
To consult upon these accusations, the whole Council was assembled at Saint Andrews, the i8 day of April, ^ in the year of God 1562 ; in which it was concluded that, in consideration of the former suspicion, the Duke's Grace should render to the Queen the Castle of Dumbarton, the custody whereof was granted unto him by appointment, till that lawful succession should be seen of the Queen's body. But will prevailed against reason and promises, and so was the said Castle delivered to Captain Anstruther, as having power from the Queen and Council to receive it.*'
Things ordered in Fife, the Queen returned to Edinburgh, and then began dancing to grow hot ; for her friends began to triumph
* Gavin Hamilton * bewitched
' On 4 May 1562, according to the Diurnal of Occurrenti (72). According to the Collector's Accounts of the Thirds of the Benefices (from which the Earl of Arran was allowed £2. a day for his upkeep in the castle of Edinburgh), Arran's second year of confinement began on 3 May 1563. He was released i May 1566.
* He was Captain of the Queen's bodyguard. (See supra, 25, note 1)
' On Monday 20 April 1562, according to Randolph. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1095)
' Apparently Captain Robert Anstruther, and in April 1562. {Accounts Lord High Treasurer, xi, 161, 162, 198) See also Diurnal of Occurrents, 72. It should be noted that Buchanan gives a different version of this strange story. According to Buchanan Bothwell first endeavoured to embroil the Earl of Moray against the Hamiltons and, that failing, then endeavoured to embroil the Hamiltons in a plot to murder Moray. (See Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 453-456 ; Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland, ii, 177-179)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 43
in France. ^ The certainty hereof came to the ears of John Knox, for there were some that showed to him, from time to time, the estate of things 2 ; and, amongst others, he was assured that the Queen had danced excessively ^ till after midnight, because that she had received letters that persecution was begun again in France, and that her uncles were beginning to stir their tails,* and to trouble the whole Realm of France. Upon occasion of this text, " And now under- ^^"1- 2 stand, O ye Kings, and be learned, ye that judge the earth," he began to tax the ignorance, the vanity, and the despite of Princes against all virtue, and against all those in whom haitterent of vice and love of virtue appeared.
The report hereof made unto the Queen, the said John Knox was sent for.^ Mr. Alexander Cockburn, who before had been his scholar,^ and then was very familiar with him, was the messenger, who gave him some knowledge both of the report and of the reporters. The Queen was in her bedchamber, and with her, besides the ladies and the common servants, were the Lord James, the Earl of Morton, Secretary Lethington, and some of the guard that had made the report. He was called and accused, as one that had irreverently '^^^ ,
•! 1 I • 1 • 1 • second
spoken of the Queen, and that travailed to brmg her m haitterent commm- and contempt of the people, and that he had exceeded the bounds ^f^^^"^" of his text : And upon these three heads, made the Queen herself a with the long harangue or orison ^ ; whereto the said John answered as follows : '^"
" Madam, this is oftentimes the just recompense which God giveth to the stubborn of the world, that because they will not hear God speaking to the comfort of the penitent, and for amendment of the wicked, they are oft compelled to hear the false report of others to their greater displeasure. I doubt not but that it came to the ears
1 Queen Mary had returned to Edinburgh before 12 May 1562 (Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 518) ; but the " massacre at Vassy " had already taken place on I March 1562, there had been a " massacre " at Sens, and Orleans had been seized by the Huguenots. Certainly war between the Huguenots and the Catholics had become inevitable, but there was as yet no " triumph " for Mary's " friends." According to Randolph, writing to Cecil on 29 May 1562, Mary regretted the " unadvised enterprise " of the Guises and feared their overthrow. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1107)
'- Cf supra, i, 351
^ According to Sir James Melville, Mary did not dance " so high and disposedly " as Elizabeth. {Memoirs, Bannatyne Club, 125) * bestir themselves
' Knox has here confused the order of events. Mary was back in Edinburgh before 12 May 1562, but Knox delivered his sermon in which " he inveighed sore against the Queen's dancing" on Sunday 13 December 1562, and the interview with Mary took place on Tuesday 15 December 1562 — that is, after the Queen's " progress " in the North in the autumn of 1562, and not after her stay in Fife in the spring. (See Randolph's letter to Cecil of 16 December 1562, in Laing's Knox, vi, 147 and Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1 155) ' Supra, i, 82 ' oration
(053) • VOL II 4
44 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
of proud Herod, that our Master Christ Jesus called him a fox ; but they told him not how odious a thing it was before God to murder an innocent, as he had lately done before, causing to behead John the Baptist, to reward the dancing of a harlot's daughter. Madam, if the reporters of my words had been honest men, they would have reported my words, and the circumstances of the same. But because they would have credit in Court, and lacking virtue worthy thereof, they must have somewhat to please your Majesty, if it were but flattery and lies. But such pleasure (if any your Grace take in such persons) will turn to your everlasting displeasure. For, Madam, if your own ears had heard the whole matter that I entreated ; if there be into you any sparkle of the Spirit of God, yea, of honesty or wisdom, ye could not justly have been offended with anything that I spake. And because that ye have heard their report, please your Grace to hear myself rehearse the same, so near as memory will serve." (It was even upon the next day after that the sermon was made).^ " My text (said he). Madam, was this, ' And now, O Kings, understand ; be learned, ye judges of the earth.' After, Madam (said he), that I had declared the dignity of kings and rulers, the honour whereinto God has placed them, the obedience that is due unto them, being God's lieutenants, I demanded this question, — But, O alas ! what compte ^ shall the most part of princes make before that Supreme Judge, whose throne and authority so manifestly and shamefully they abuse ? That the complaint of Solomon is this day most true, to wit, ' That violence and oppression do occupy the throne of God here in this earth ' : for while that murderers, bloodthirsty men, oppressors, and malefactors dare be bold to present themselves before kings and princes, and the poor saints of God are banished and exiled, what shall we say but that the devil hath taken possession in the throne of God, which ought to be fearful to all wicked doers, and a refuge to the innocent oppressed. And how can it otherwise be ? For princes will not understand ; they will not be learned as God commands them. But God's law they despise ; his statutes and holy ordinances they will not understand ; for in fiddling and flinging they are more exercised than in reading or hearing of God's most blessed word ; and fiddlers and flatterers (which commonly corrupt the youth) are more precious in their eyes than men of wisdom and gravity, who by wholesome admonition might beat down into them some part of that vanity and pride whereinto all are born, but in
' According to Randolph the inter\'iew was on the Tuesday following the sermon on the Sunday. {Supra 43, note 5) ''^ account
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 45
princes take deep root and strength by wicked education. And of dancing, Madam, I said, that albeit in Scriptures I found no praise of it, and in profane writers that it is termed the gesture rather of those that are mad and in frenzy than of sober men ; yet do I not utterly damn it, providing that two vices be avoided : the former, That the principal vocation of those that use that exercise be not neglected for the pleasure of dancing ; Secondly, That they dance not, as the Philistines their fathers, for the pleasure that they take in the displeasure of God's people. For if any of both they do, so they shall receive the reward of dancers, and that will be drink in hell, ^ unless they speedily repent, so shall God turn their mirth in sudden sorrow : for God will not always afflict his people, neither yet will he always wink at the tyranny of tyrants. If any man. Madam (said he), will say that I spake more, let him presently ^ accuse me ; for I think I have not only touched the sum, but the very words as I spake them." Many that stood by bare witness with him, that he had recited the very words that publicly he spake.
The Queen looked about to some of the reporters, and said, " Your words are sharp enough as ye have spoken them ; but yet they were told to me in another manner. I know (said she) that my uncles and ye are not of one religion, and therefore I cannot blame you albeit you have no good opinion of them. But if ye hear any thing of myself that mislikes you, come to myself and tell me, and I shall hear you."
" Madam," quod he, " I am assured that your uncles are enemies to God, and unto his Son Jesus Christ ; and that for main- tenance of their own pomp and worldly glory that they spare not to spill the blood of many innocents ; and therefore I am assured that their enterprises shall have no better success than others have had that before them have done that [which] they do now. But as to your own personage. Madam, I would be glad to do all that I could to your Grace's contentment, provided that I exceed not the bounds of my vocation. I am called. Madam, to a public function within the Kirk of God, and am appointed by God to rebuke the sins and vices of all. I am not appointed to come to every man in particular to show him his offence ; for that labour were infinite.^
' The meaning is obvious ; but there may also be reference to the custom of drinking at dances, referred to in an old musical MS. : ' The tune is to be played even through once over every time : so the first couple has time to take their drink.' (Dauney's Ancient Scottish Melodies, Bannatyne Club, 260, cited Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 275)
^ now, at this present time
^ It should be noted, however, that private admonition, in certain cases, had been prescribed by the Book of Discipline. {Infra, 306)
46 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
If your Grace please to frequent the public sermons, then doubt I not but that ye shall fully understand both what I like and mislike, as well in your Majesty as in all others. Or if your Grace will assign unto me a certain day and hour when it will please you to hear the form and substance of doctrine which is proponed in public to the churches of this Realm, I will most gladly await upon your Grace's pleasure, time and place. But to wait upon your chamber-door, or elsewhere, and then to have no further liberty but to whisper my mind in your Grace's ear, or to tell to you what others think and speak of you, neither will my conscience nor the vocation whereto God hath called me suffer it. For albeit at your Grace's command- ment I am here now, yet cannot I tell what other men shall judge of me, that at this time of day am absent from my book and waiting upon the Court."
" You will not always," said she, "be at your book," and so turned her back. And the said John Knox departed with a reason- able merry countenance ; whereat some Papists, offended, said, " He is not afraid." Which, heard of him, he answered, " Why should the pleasing face of a gentlewoman effray me ? I have looked in the faces of many angry men, and yet have not been afraid above measure." And so left he the Queen and the Court for that time.
In this meantime, the negotiation and credit was great betwix the Queen of England and our Sovereign : letters, couriers, and posts ran very frequent. Great bruit there was of the interview and meeting of the two Queens at York, and some preparation was made therefor in both the Realms. But that failed upon the part of England, and that by occasion of the troubles moved in France (as was alleged), which caused the Queen and her Council attend upon the south parts of England, for avoiding of inconvenients. ^
That summer, there came an Ambassador from the King of Sweden, requiring marriage of our Sovereign to his Master the King.^ His entertainment was honourable ; but his petition liked our Queen nothing ; for such a man was too base' for her estate ; for had not she been great Queen of France ? Fye of Sweden ! What
' For these negotiations and the proposed " interview and meeting of the two Queens " see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 70-73 and supporting notes.
" According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (72, 73) the Swedish ambassador " Here Petir Groif " arrived on 24 April 1562 and departed with his [negative] answer on i June 1562. Randolph speaks of the news of his arrival on 25 April, says he is called the Earl of Wismar, and reports his departure early in the morning of Tuesday 2 June, after leaving a picture of his king to be presented to the Queen. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, Nos. 1095, 1097, nil) Erik XIV of Sweden married Catharine Jagello in the following October.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 47
is it ? But happy was the man that of such a one was forsaken. And yet she refused not one far inferior to a virtuous King.
The Earl of Lennox and his wife were committed to the Tower of London for trafficking with Papists.^ The young Laird of Barr ^ was a travailer in that business, and was apprehended with some letters, which were the cause of his and their trouble.
The Earl of Moray made a privy raid to Hawick upon the fair- ffawkk day thereof, and apprehended fifty thieves ; of which number were seventeen drowned ; others were executed in Jedburgh. The principals were brought to Edinburgh and there suffered, according to their merits upon the Burgh Muir. ^ The Queen was nothing con- tent of the prosperity and good success that God gave to the Earl of Moray in all his enterprises, for she hated his upright dealing, and the image of God which evidently did appear into him ; but at that time she could not well have been served without him.
The Assembly of the Kirk at Midsummer, the [29] * of June, anno 1562, approached, in the which were many notable heads Sharp entreated concerning good order to be kept in the Church ; for the preaching Papists and the idolatry of the Qjaeen began to trouble the former ««^ (°°^ good order. Some ministers, such as Master John Sharp, had left law their charges, and entered into other vocations more profitable for the belly ; against whom were acts made, although to this day they Anm have not been put in execution. ^j^ I"
The tenor of the Supplication read in open audience, and approved by the whole Assembly to be presented to the Queen's Majesty, was this :
To THE Queen's Majesty, and Her Most Honourable Privy Council, the Superintendents and Ministers of the Evangel OF Jesus Christ within this Realm, together with the Commissioners of the whole Churches, desire Grace and Peace from God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, WITH the Spirit of Righteous Judgment.^
* Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, and his wife, Lady Margaret Douglas, daughter of Archibald, sixth Earl of Angus. Their son was Henry Lord Darnley, who later married Mary Queen of Scots. Randolph, writing to Cecil on 31 March 1562, reports that " it is not lamented here [in Scotland] that Lennox is in the Tower." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 1089) - John Lockhart, younger, of Barr
' An account of this " raid " on the thieves of Teviotdale and Liddesdale is given by Randolph in a letter to Cecil of 8 July 1562. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1 123)
* In the manuscript (folio 329 recto) the date is given, erroneously, as " the 24 of June " ; but see Booke of the Universall Kirk (Bannatyne Club) i, 13-24.
' This marginal note (folio 329 recto) is in the text hand. ' Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 20-24
48 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Having in mind that fearful sentence pronounced by the Eternal God against the watchmen that see the sword of God's punishment approach, and do not in plain words forewarn the people, yea, the princes and rulers, that they may repent, we cannot but signify unto your Highness, and unto your Council, that the estate of this Realm is such for this present, that unless redress and remedy be shortly provided, that God's hand can not long spare in his anger, to strike the head and the tail, the inobedient Prince and sinful people : For as God is unchangeable and true, so must he punish in these our days, the grievous sins that before we read he has punished in all ages, after that he has long called for repentance, and none is shown.
And that your Grace and Council may understand what be the
things we desire to be reformed, we will begin at that which we
assuredly know to be the fountain and spring of all other evils that
now abound in this Realm, to wit, that idol and bastard service of
God, the Mass ; the fountain, we call it, of all impiety, not only
because that many take boldness to sin by reason of the opinion which
they have conceived of that idol, to wit, that by the virtue of it,
they get remission of their sins ; but also because that under the
colour of the Mass, are whores, adulterers, drunkards, blasphemers
of God, of his holy Word and Sacraments, and such other manifest
malefactors, maintained and defended : for let any Mass-sayer, or
earnest maintainer thereof be deprehended ^ in any of the fore-
This named crimes, no execution can be had, for all is done in haiterent
Queeri's of his religion ; and so are wicked men permitted to live wickedly,
religion to cloaked and defended by that odious idol. But supposing that the
have many _ ^ _ _ ....
favourers Mass wcrc occasion of no such evils, yet in the self it is so odious in God's presence, that we cannot cease with all instance to desire the removing of the same, as well from yourself as from all others within this Realm, taking heaven and earth, yea, and your own conscience to record, that the obstinate maintenance of that idol shall in the end be to you destruction of soul and body.
If your Majesty demand, why that now we are more earnest than we have been heretofore ; we answer (our former silence nowise excused), because we find us frustrate of our hope and expectation ; which was, that in process of time, your Grace's heart should have been mollified, so far as that ye would have heard the public doctrine taught within this Realm ; by the which, our further hope was, that God's Holy Spirit should so have moved your heart, that ye should
' apprehended
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 49
have suffered your religion (which before God is nothing but abomi- nation and vanity) to have been tried by the true touchstone, the written word of God ^ ; and that your Grace finding it to have no ground nor foundation in the same, should have given that glory unto God, that ye would have preferred his truth unto your own preconceived vain opinion, of what antiquity that ever it has been. Whereof we in a part now discouraged can no longer keep silence, unless we would make ourselves criminal before God of your blood, perishing in your own iniquity ; for we plainly admonish you of the dangers to come.
The second that we require, is punishment of horrible vices, such as are adultery, fornication, open whoredom, blasphemy, contempt of God, of his Word and Sacraments ; which in this Realm, for lack of punishment, do even now so abound that sin is reputed to be no sin. And therefore, as that we see the present signs of God's wrath now manifestly appear, so do we forewarn that he will strike, ere it be long, if his law without punishment be permitted thus mani- festly to be contemned. If any object that punishments cannot be commanded to be executed without a Parliament, we answer that the eternal God in his Parhament has pronounced death to be the punishment for adultery and for blasphemy ; whose acts if ye put not to execution (seeing that kings are but his heutenants, having no power to give hfe, where he commands death), as that he will repute you, and all others that foster vice, patrons of impiety, so will he not fail to punish you for neglecting of his judgments.
Our third request concerneth the poor, who be of three sorts : the poor labourers of the ground ; the poor desolate beggars, orphans, widows, and strangers ; and the poor ministers of Christ Jesus his holy evangel, which are all so cruelly entreated by this last pretended Order taken for sustentation of Ministers, that their latter misery far surmounteth the former. For now the poor labourers of the ground are so oppressed by the cruelty of those that pay their Third, [in] that they for the most part advance upon the poor whatsoever they pay to the Queen, or to any other. ^ As for the very indigent Grudging and poor, to whom God commands a sustentation to be provided nobility of the Teinds, they are so despised that it is a wonder that the sun °"^^^^ giveth heat and light to the earth where God's name is so frequently the other called upon and no mercy (according to his commandment) shown to his creatures. And also for the Ministers, their livings are so appointed that the most part shall live but a beggar's life. And all
* See supra, 12 * See also the Book of Diicipline, infra, 303
50 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Cometh of that impiety, that the idle bellies of Christ's enemies must be fed in their former delicacy.
We dare not conceal from your Grace and Honours our con- science, which is this, that neither by the law of God, neither yet by any just law of man, is anything due unto them who now most cruelly do exact of the poor and rich the Two parts of their Benefices, as they call them : and therefore we most humbly require, that some other Order may be taken with them, nor that they be set up again to empire above the people of God, either yet above any subject within this Realm. For we fear that such usurpation to their former estate be neither in the end pleasing to themselves, nor profitable to them that would place them in that tyranny. If any think that a competent living is to be assigned to them, we repugn not, provided that the labourers of the ground be not oppressed, the poor be not utterly neglected, and the Ministers of the word so sharply entreated as now they are. And, finally, that those idle bellies, who by law can crave nothing, shall confess that they receive their sustentation, not of debt, but as of benevolence. Our humble request is, therefore, that some sudden order may be taken, that the poor labourers may find some relief, and that in every parish some portion of the Teinds may be assigned to the sustentation of the poor within the same ; and likewise that some public relief may be provided for the poor within burghs ; that collectors may be appointed to gather, and that sharp compts ^ may be taken, as well of their receipt as of their deliverance. The further consideration to be had to our Ministers, we in some part remit to your Wisdoms, and unto their particular complaints.
Our fourth petition is for the manses, yards, and glebes, justly appertaining to the Ministers, without the which it is impossible unto them quietly to serve their charges ; and therefore we desire order to be taken thereinto without delay.
Our fifth concerneth the inobedience of certain wicked persons, who not only trouble, and have troubled Ministers in their function, but also disobey the Superintendents in their visitation ; whereof we humbly crave remedy ; which we do not so much for any fear that we and our Ministers have of the Papists, but for the love that we bear to the common tranquillity. For this we cannot hide from your Majesty and Council, that if the Papists think to triumph where they may, and to do what they list, where there is not a party able to resist them, that some will think that the godly must begin where
* accounts
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 5 1
they left, who heretofore have borne all things patiently, in hope that laws should have bridled the wicked ; whereof if they be frustrate (albeit that nothing be more odious to them than tumults and domestical discord), yet will men attempt the uttermost, before that in their own eyes they behold that House of God demolished, which with travail and danger God hath within this Realm erected by them.
Last, we desire that such as have received remission of their Thirds be compelled to sustain the Ministry within their bounds,^ or else we forewarn your Grace and Council that we fear that the people shall retain the whole in their hands unto such time as their ministry be sufficiently provided. We further desire the kirks to be repaired according to an Act set forth by the Lords of Secret Council, before your Majesty's arrival in this country ; That Judges be appointed to hear the causes of divorcement, for the Kirk can no longer sustain that burden, especially because there is no punishment for the offenders ; That sayers and hearers of Mass, profaners of the Sacraments, such as have entered in[to] benefices by the Pope's Bulls, and such other transgressors of the law made at your Grace's arrival within this Realm, may be severely punished ; for else men will think that there is no truth meant in making of such laws.
Further, We most humbly desire of your Grace and Honourable Council, a resolute answer to every one of the heads forewritten that, the same being known, we may somewhat satisfy such as be grievously offended at manifest iniquity now maintained, at oppression under pretext of law done against the poor, and at the rebellious dis- obedience of many wicked persons against God's jyord and holy ordinance.
God the Father of our Lord Jesus Clirist so rule your hearts and direct your Grace and Council's judgments by the ditement and illumination of his Holy Spirit that ye may answer so as that your consciences may be absolved in the presence of that righteous Judge, the Lord Jesus ; and then we doubt not but ye yourselves shall find felicity, and this poor Realm, that long has been oppressed by wicked men, shall enjoy tranquillity and rest, with the true knowledge of God.
These things read in public Assembly, ^ as said is, were approved of all (and some wished that more sharpness had been used, because
' That is, within their ecclesiastical boundaries. An account of the many remissions of " Ihirds " is given by Dr. G. Donaldson in his work on the Collectors' Accounts. " On 4 July 1562, at the sixth session. (Booke of Universall Kirk, i, 18-19)
52 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
that the time so craved), but the monzeors ^ of the Court, and Secretary Lethington above others, could not abide such hard speaking : " For whoever saw it written (said he) to a Prince, that God would strike the head and the tail : that if Papists did what they list, men would begin where they left." But above all others, that was most offensive that the Queen was accused, as that she would raise up Papists and Papistry again. To put that in the people's head was no less than treason ; for oaths durst be made that she never meant such thing. To whom it was answered,^
Isaiah " That the Prophet Isaiah used such manner of speaking ; and it was no doubt but he was well acquainted in the Court, for it was
Answer to supposed he was of the King's stock. But howsoever it was, his words make manifest that he spake to the Court and Courtiers, to Judges, Ladies, Princes, and Priests : And yet (says he), ' The Lord shall cut away the head and the tail,' &c." " And so," said the first writer, " I find that such [a] phrase was once used before us. And if this offend you, that we say, ' Men must begin where they left,' in case that Papists do as they do, we would desire you to teach us, not so much how we shall speak, but rather what we shall do, when our Ministers are stricken, our Superintendents disobeyed, and a plain rebellion decreed against all good order." " Complain," said Lethington. " Whom to ? " said the other. " To the Queen's Majesty," said he. " How long shall we do so ? " quod the whole. " Till that ye get remedy," said the Justice Clerk ^ : " give me their names, and I shall give you letters." * " If the sheep," said one, " shall complain to the wolf that the wolves and whelps have devoured their lambs, the complainer may stand in danger ; but the offender, we fear, shall have liberty to hunt after his prey." " Such comparisons," said Lethington, " are very unsavoury ; for I am assured that the Queen will neither erect nor yet maintain Papistry." " Let your assurance," said another, "serve yourself but it cannot assure us, for her manifest proceedings speak the contrary." After such taunting reasoning of both the sides, the multitude concluded that the Supplication, as it was conceived, should be presented, unless that the Secretary would form one more agreeable to the present necessity. He promised to keep the substance of ours, but he would use other terms, and ask things in a more gentle manner. The first writer answered, " That he served the Kirk at their com-
' Possibly a derisive form of monsieurs, mounseers ; or possibly intended for monzeons, that is, minions. ^ Undoubtedly by Knox
' Sir John Bellenden of Auchnoull * That is, letters of summonds
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 53
mandment, and was content that in his ditement should men use the Uberty that best pleased them, provided that he was not compelled to subscribe to the flattery of such as more regarded the persons of men and women, than the simple truth of God." And so was this former Supplication given to be reformed as Lethington's wisdom thought best. And in very deed he framed it so, that when it was dehvered by the Superintendents of Lothian and Fife, and when that she had read somewhat of it, she said, " Here are many fair words : I cannot tell what the hearts are." And so for our painted oratory we were termed the next name to flatterers and dissemblers. But for that Session the Kirk received none other answer.
Short after ^ the convention of the Kirk chanced that unhappy John pursuit which John Gordon, Laird of Findlater,^ made upon the and Lord Ogilvy,^ who was evil hurt and almost yet abides mutilated. Ogiby The occasion was for certain lands and rights which old Findlater had resigned to the said Lord, which he was pursuing, and was in appearance to obtain his purpose. Whereat the said John and his servants were oflfended, and therefore made the said pursuit upon a Saturday, at night, betwix nine and ten. The friends of the said Lord were either not with him, or else not well willing to fight that night ; for they took strokes, but gave few that left marks. The said John was taken, and put in the Tolbooth, where he remained certain days, and then broke his ward, some judged, at his father's command- ment ; for he was making preparation for the Queen's coming to the North, as we will after hear.
The interview and meeting of the two Queens delayed till the next year, our Sovereign took purpose to visit the North, and de- parted from Stirling in the month of August. Whether there was
' As already noted [supra, 47, note 4) Knox gave the 24 June as the date of the meeting of the General Assembly instead of the 2 9. June. Thus for " short after " we should here read " short before." The conflict between Sir John Gordon and James, fifth Lord Ogilvy of Airlie, in which the latter was hurt in " the three principal members " of his right arm so seriously " that if he bleeds again the same will be his death," took place in Edinburgh on Saturday night, 27 June. (See Edinburgh Burgh Records, Burgh Record Society, iii, 138-139)
" Sir John Gordon was the third son of George, fourth Earl of Huntly. Alexander Ogilvy of Deskford and Findlater had disinherited his son, James Ogilvy of Cardell, in 1545, and had settled his lands and baronies in Aberdeen and Banff, and the name and arms of Ogilvy on John Gordon, whom failing, on his brothers William, James, and Adam Gordon, in succession. (Registrum Magni Sigilli, iii. No. 3157) Randolph, reporting this fight in Edinburgh, speaks of John Gordon as " named the Laird of Findlater." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1 121) The endeavour of the Ogilvies to regain these lands, and the unwillingness of the Gordons to relinquish them, lie in the background of Corrichie and the forfeiture of Huntly. (See Scots Peerage, iv, 21-25)
* James, fifth Lord Ogilvy of Airlie
54 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
any secret paction and confederacy betwix the Papists in the South, and the Earl of Huntly and his Papists in the North ; or, to speak more plainly, betwix the Queen herself and Huntly, we cannot certainly say. But the suspicions were wondrous vehement that there was no good will borne to the Earl of Moray, nor yet to such as depended upon him at that time. The history we shall faithfully declare, and so leave the judgment free to the readers.
That John Gordon broke his ward, we have already heard, who immediately thereafter repaired to his father George, then Earl of Huntly ^ ; and understanding the Queen's coming, made great provision in Strathbogie, and in other parts, as it were to receive the Queen. At Aberdeen the Queen and Court remained certain days to deliberate upon the affairs of the country ; where some began to smell that the Earl of Huntly was under gathering, as hereafter shall be declared.
While things were so working in the North, the Earl Bothwell
Bothwell broke his ward, and came forth of the Castle of Edinburgh, ^ the 28th
ivard of August. Somc Say that he broke the stancheour ^ of the window ;
others whispered that he got easy passage by the yetts. One thing
is certain, to wit, the Queen was little offended at his escaping.
There passed with him a servant of the Captain's, named James
Porterfield. The said Earl showed himself not very afraid, for his
common residence was in Lothian. The Bishop of Saint Andrews *
and Abbot of Crossraguel ^ kept secret convention that same time in
Paisley, to whom resorted divers Papists ; yea, the said Bishop spake
the Duke,^ unto whom also came the Lord Gordon ' from the Earl
of Huntly, requiring him " to put to his hands in the South, as he
The false should do in the North ; and so it should not be Knox's crying nor
and his preaching that should stay that purpose." The Bishop, be he never so
traffic close, could not altogether hide his mind, but at his own table said,
" The Queen is gone into the North, belike to seek disobedience :
she may perchance find the thing that she seeks."' It was constantly
affirmed that the Earl Bothwell and the said Lord Gordon spake
together, but of their purpose we heard no mention.^
* George, fourth Earl of Huntly ^ See supra, 42
' stanchion ^ John Hamilton ' Quintin Kennedy
* The Duke of Chatelherault
' George, Lord Gordon, second son of George, fourth Earl of Huntly ; later George, fifth Earl of Huntly.
* Their " purpose " is revealed in the reduction of the sentence of forfeiture passed against George, Lord Gordon. {Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 577a) Briefly, it was that Bothwell should raise men to serve Huntly.
sioners
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 55
That same year, and at that instant time, were appointed Com- Commis- missioners by the General Assembly to Carrick and Cunningham Master George Hay who, the space of a month, preached with great fruit in all the churches of Carrick ; to Kyle, and to the parts of Galloway, was appointed John Knox who, beside the doctrine of the Evangel shown unto the common people, forewarned some of the Nobility and Barons of the dangers that he feared, and that were appearing shortly to follow, and exhorted them to put themselves in such order as that they might be able to serve the authority, and yet not to suffer the enemies of God's truth to have the upper hand. Whereupon a great part of the Barons and Gentlemen of Kyle and Cunningham and Carrick, professing the true doctrine of the Evangel, assembled at Ayr, and, after exhortations made and conference had, subscribed this Band, the tenor whereof follows :
We, whose names are underwritten, do promise, in the presence of God, and in the presence of his Son our Lord Jesus Christ, that we, and everyone of us, shall and will maintain and assist the preaching of his holy Evangel, now of his mere mercy offered unto this Realm ; and also will maintain the ministers of the same against all persons, power, and authority, that will oppose themselves to the doctrine proponed, and by us received. And further, with the same solemnity, we protest and promise, that every one of us shall assist others ; yea, and the whole body of the Protestants within this Realm, in all lawful and just actions, against all persons ; so that whosoever shall hurt, molest, or trouble any of our body, shall be reputed enemy to the whole, except that the offender will be content to submit himself to the judgment of the Kirk now established amongst us. And this we do, as we desire to be accepted and favoured of the Lord Jesus, and reaccompted ^ worthy of credit and honesty in the pre- sence of the godly. At the Burgh of Ayr, the fourth day of September, the year of God 1562.
Subscribed by all these with their hands, as follows :
Mr. Michael Wallace, Glencairn ^
Provost of Ayr Ro. Boyd *
James Lockhart ^ R. Failford ^
' accounted * Probably Sir James Lockhart of Lee
* Alexander, fourth Earl of Glencairn * Robert, fifth Lord Boyd
' Robert Cunningham, a younger son of William, third Earl of Glencairn. He was
" minister " of Fail, or Failford, and Provincial of the Order of the Holy Trinity
(Trinitarians) in Scotland. The head of a Trinitarian House was called the " minister " ;
and we find the designation " minister of Fail " as early as 141 3. (Laing Charters, No. 93)
56
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
William Montgomery
John Cr,a.wford of Walston
John Mure in Wole
Hew Wallace of Cairnhill
James Chalmers of Gadgirth
Hew Montgomery of Hesilhead
John Fullarton of Dreghorn
1, William Cunningham, with my
hand Skeldon 1 Fergushill 2 Mr. of Boyd ^ John Lockhart of Barr William Cunningham of Capring-
ton younger Robert Ker of Kersland Robert Crawford David Crawford William Cunningham Charles Campbell, Burgess of
Ayr James Dalrymple of Stair MuNGO Mure James Reid
James Kennedy, Burgess of Ayr George Lockhart, Burgess there Robert Shaw, Burgess there John Dunbar of Blantyre Robert Chalmers of Martnaham Robert Hunter of Hunterston Robert Rankin Archibald Boyle Alexander Nisbet James Lockhart William Stewart of Hal rig Hector Dunbar of Clugstone James Campbell of Lochlee Adam Cathcart of Bardarroch George Reid of Chapelhouse
Matthew Campbell of Loudoun,
Knight * Alan Lord Cathcart * John Cunningham of Caprington Cunninghamhead * Ochiltree '
George Crawford of Leifinoris John Mure of Rowallan Hew Cunningham of Waterstoun Robert Cunningham [of] Auchen-
harvie Middleton **
John Wallace of Craigie John Boyd of Naristoun Robert Campbell of Kinzeancleuch Gilbert Eccles
Thomas Cathcart, with my hand Alan Cathcart of Clavannis Adam Reid of Barskimming John Cathcart of Gibsyard John Reid, with my hand John ..."
Robert Boyd of Piedmont William Campbell of Horsecleuch William Cathcart, brother to the
Lord Cathcart " John Macquhidaill George Corry of Kelwood William Kennedy of Ternganoch John Kennedy of Kirkmichael Thomas MacAlexander of Crossclays Hew Wallace of the Meinford Robert Campbell of Craigdow Andrew Niven of Monkredding William Cathcart David Crawford of the Kerse John Kennedy of Ternganoch Patrick Kennedy of Daljarrock Alan Cathcart of Carl et on
' William Campbell of Skeldon ^ John Fergushill of that Ilk
' Thomas, Master of Boyd, son of Robert, fifth Lord Boyd
* Sir Matthew Campbell of Loudoun, had succeeded his father Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun in February 1561. In the manuscript (folio 335 recto), " Crawfurd of" has been deleted and " Mathew Campbell of " added above the line.
' Alan, fourth Lord Cathcart " William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead
' Andrew Stewart, second Lord Ochiltree
' The Laird of Middleton (unidentified) ' Blank in manuscript
^^ Presumably a natural son of Alan, diird Lord Cathcart. If so, he has escaped tfie peerage writers.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 57
These things done at Ayr, the said John passed to Nithsdale and Galloway where, in conference with the Master of Maxwell,^ a man of great judgment and experience, he communicated with him such things as he feared ; who, by his motion, wrote to the Earl Bothwell to behave himself as it became a faithful subject, and to keep good quietness in the parts committed to his charge, and so would his crime of the breaking of the ward be the more easily pardoned. John Knox wrote unto the Duke's Grace, and earnestly exhorted him neither to give ear to the Bishop his bastard brother, ^ nor yet to the persuasions of the Earl of Huntly ; for if he did, he assured him that he and his House should come to a sudden ruin.
By such means were the South parts kept in reasonable quietness during the time that the troubles were in brewing in the North. And yet the Bishop and the Abbot of Grossraguel,^ did what in them lay to have raised some trouble ; for besides the fearful bruits that they sparsed ^ abroad (sometimes that the Queen was taken ; sometimes that the Earl of Moray and all his band were slain ; and sometimes that the Queen had given herself unto the Earl of Huntly — besides such bruits) the Bishop, to break the country of Kyle, where quietness was greatest, raised the Crawfords against the Reids for the payment of the Bishop's Pasche fines ^ ; but that was stayed by the labours of indifferent men ^ who favoured peace.
The Abbot of Crossraguel required disputation of John Knox Disputa- for maintenance of the Mass, which was granted unto him, and which [was] held in Maybole three days. The Abbot had the advantage that he required, to wit, he took upon him to prove that Melchisedek offered bread and wine unto God, which was the ground that the Mass was built upon to be a Sacrifice, &c. But in the travail of three days there could no proof be produced for Melchisedek's oblation, as in the same disputation (which is to be had in print ^) clearly may appear. The Papists constantly looked for a wolter,^ and therefore they would make some brag of reasoning. Crossra- The Abbot further presented himself to the pulpit, but the voice of tffered Master George Hay so effrayed him that after once he wearied of ^"" ^^" that exercise.^
' Sir John Maxwell, second son of Robert, fifth Lord Maxwell ; later fourth Lord Herries ^ That is, John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews
^ Quintin Kennedy, fourth son of Gilbert, second Earl of Cassillis
* spread ' Easter offerings ' neutral men
' Printed by Robert Lekprevik, Edinburgh, 1563 ; reprinted in Laing's Knox, vi, 169- 220 ' Literally an overturning, that is, a counter-revolution
' Mr. George Hay's controversy with Quintin Kennedy was also published by Robert Lekprevik under the title The Confutation of the Abbote ofCrosraguells Masse (Edinburgh, 1 563) .
58 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
After ^ that the Queen was somewhat satisfied of hunting and other pastime, she came to Aberdeen, where the Earl of Huntly met her, and his Lady, with no small train, [and] remained in Court. [He] was supposed to have the greatest credit, departed with the Queen to Buchan, [and] met her again at Rothiemay, looking that she should have passed with him to Strathbogie. But in the journey certain word came to her that John Gordon had broken promise in not re-entering in ward ; for his father the Earl had promised that he should enter again within the Castle of Stirling, and there abide the Queen's pleasure. But whether with his father's knowledge and consent, or without the same we know not, but he refused to enter ; which so offended the Queen that she would not go to Strath- bogie, but passed through Strathisla to Inverness, where the Castle thereof was denied unto her. The Captain was commanded to keep it, and looked for relief, for so had John of Gordon promised ; but being thereof frustrated, the Castle was rendered, and the Captain named Gordon was executed ; the rest were damned,^ and the hands of some bound, but [they] escaped.
This was the beginning of further trouble ; for the Earl of Huntly, thereat offended, began to assemble his folks, and spared not to speak that he would be revenged. But always his wife bore fair countenance to the Queen ; and it is verily supposed that no other harm than the Queen herself could easily have stood content with was meant unto her own person. But the whole malice lay upon the Earl of Moray, Secretary Lethington, and upon the Laird of Pittarrow. Yet the Queen began to be afraid, and by proclamation caused warn Stirling, Fife, Angus, Mearns and Strathearn charge all substantial men to be in Aberdeen the fifth day of October, there to remain the space of twenty days. In her returning from Inverness, she required the Castle of Findlater, which was likewise denied, and so was Auchindoune, which more inflamed ^ the Queen. The Earl of Huntly was charged to cause deliver the said liouses, under pain of treason. To show some obedience, he caused the keys of both to be presented by his servant, Mr. Thomas Keir. But before had the Queen sent young Captain Stewart,* (son to Captain James who,
' For further details of Mary's northern progress, the Battle of Corrichie, and Huntly's overthrow, see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, chapter vii and supporting notes.
^ condemned
^ In the manuscript (folio 337 recto) the scribe had written " in," and Knox has completed the word by crowding " flammed " into the space left before the word " the ".
* Apparendy Captain Alexander Stewart, son of Captain James Stewart of Cardonald. (See supra, 25, note i)
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 59
to this day, has neither been stout, happy, nor true), with six score of soldiers, to He about the said place of Findlater. They lodged in Gullen, not far distant from the said place. Upon a night, John Gordon came with a company of horsemen, took the Captain, slew certain of the soldiers, and disarmed the rest. This fact, done (as the Queen alleged) under trust, so inflamed her, that all hope of reconciliation was past ; and so the said Earl of Huntly was charged, under pain of putting of him to the horn, ^ to present himself and the said John before the Queen and Council within six days : which charge he disobeyed, and so was denounced rebel. Whether it was ^o "'^^ t^^^
^ ,• ,. 1 1 • 1 • • Duke, the
law or not, we dispute little therein ; but it was a preparative to Earls others that after were served with that same measure. He was sought '^'p'^^'
° Moray.
at his place of Strathbogie, but escaped. and Glen-
The evil increased, for the Earl assembled his folk out of all parts '^^l^'all of the North. He marched forward towards Aberdeen, and upon their com- the twenty-two day of October, the year of God 1562, came to the ^^ler^ Loch of Skene. His army was judged to seven or eight hundred men. ^^''^^'^ " The Queen's army, both in number and manhood, far surmounted his, and yet he took no fear ; for he was assured of the most part of them that were with the Queen, as the issue did witness. Within the town they stood in great fear ; and therefore it was concluded that they would assail the uttermost upon the fields.^ The Forbeses, Hays, and Leslies took the vanguard, and promised to Ight the said Earl without any other help. They passed forth of th j town before ten hours. They put themselves in array, but they approached not to the enemy till that the Earl of Moray and his company were come to the fields ; and that was after two at afternoon ; for he was appointed with his company only to have beholden the battle. But all things turned otherwise than the most part of men supposed.
The Earl of Huntly was the night before determined to have retired himself and his company ; but that morning he could not be wakened before it was ten hours, and when he was up on foot his spirits failed him (by reason of his corpulency), so that rightly a long time he could do nothing. Some of his friends, fearing the danger, left him. When that he looked upon both the companies, he said, " This great company that approacheth nighest to us will do us no harm, they are our friends. I only fear yonder small com-
^ To be " put to the horn " was to be proclaimed an outlaw or rebel. The pro- clamation was accompanied by three blasts upon a horn, which gave rise to the term.
' That is, they were denounced rebels and " at the horn " in August and September 1565, after Mary's marriage with Darnley and preceding the " Chase-about Raid."
• That is, put up the strongest defence outside the town. (653) VOL u 6
6o THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
pany that stand upon the hill-side, yon are our enemies. But we are enough for them, if God be with us." And when he had thus spoken, he fell upon his knees, and made his prayer in this form : The " O Lord, I have been a bloodthirsty man, and by my means has
HmHy's mekle innocent blood been spilt ; but wilt thou give me victory this prayer ^^y^ ^j-^fj J shall servc thee all the days of my life." — Note and observe, good reader, he confessed that he had been a blood- thirsty man, and that he had been the cause of the shedding of much innocent blood : but yet would he have had victory ; and what was that else, but to have had power to have shed more, and then would he have satisfied God for all together. Wherein is expressed the nature of hypocrites, which neither further feareth nor loveth God than present danger or profit suadeth. But to our History.
The Leslies, Hays, and Forbeses, espying the Earl of Moray and his to be lighted upon their foot, made forward against the Earl of Corrichie Huntly and his, who stood in Corrichie Burn (some call it Fare Pare' Bank) ^ ; but ere they approached, nigh by the space of the shot Bank Qf g^j-^ arrow, they cast from them their spears and long weapons, and fled directly in the face of the Earl of Moray and his company. The danger espied, the Laird of Pittarrow, a man both stout and of The a ready wit, ^ with the Master, now Lord Lindsay,^ and [the] Tutor able fact of Pitcur, * Said, " Let us cast down spears ^ to the foremost, and let of '■he them not come amongst us, for there is no doubt but that this flying is by treason." And so they did : so that they that fled kept them- selves apart from the few number that were marching upon foot in order. The Earl of Huntly, seeing the vanguard flee, said unto his company, " Our friends are honest men, they have kept promise : let us now rencounter ^ the rest." And so he and his, as sure of victory, marched forward.
The Secretary, in few words, made a vehement orison,^ and willed
every man to call upon his God, to remember his duty, and not to
Secretary fear the multitude ; and, in the end, concluded' thus : " O Lord,
His thou that rules the heaven and the earth, look upon us thy servants,
oruonat whosc blood this day is most unjustly sought, and to man's judgment
is sold and betrayed : Our refuge is now unto thee and our hope
' Corrichie is a marshy hollow almost surrounded by the heights of the Hill of Fare in Banchory-Ternan parish, on the border of Kincardineshire and Aberdeenshire. The battle of Corrichie was fought on 28 October 1562.
^ Sir John Wishart of Pittarrow
^ Patrick, eldest son of John, fifth Lord Lindsay of the Byres ; became sixth Lord Lindsay following the death of his father in December 1563.
* James Haliburton, Tutor of Pitcur, and Provost of Dundee
* That is, level our spears * rneet ' oration
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 6 1
is in thee. Judge thou, O Lord, this day, betwix us and the Earl of Huntly, and the rest of our enemies. If ever we have unjustly sought his or their destruction and blood, let us fall in the edge of the sword. And, O Lord, if thou knowest our innocence, maintain thou and preserve us for thy great mercy's sake."
Short after the speaking of these and the like words, the former ranks joined, for Huntly's company made great haste. They were repulsed by the Master of Lindsay and the companies of Fife and Angus. Some of them that fled returned, and followed the Earl of Moray, but gave no strokes till that Huntly's company gave back. In the front there were slain about eighteen or twenty-four men, and in the fleeing there fell nigh a hundred. There was taken a hundred, and the rest were spared. The Earl himself was taken alive ; his two sons, John foresaid, and Adam Gordon, were taken with him. The Earl, immediately after his taking, departed this life without any wound, or yet appearance of any stroke whereof death might have ensued ^ ; and so, because it was late, he was casten over-thorte ^ a pair of creels, and so was carried to Aberdeen, and was laid in the Tolbooth thereof, that the response which his There-
St}OHS€ of
wife's witches had given might be fulfilled, who all affirmed (as the the Earl most part say) that that same night should he be in the Tolbooth ^ . , of Aberdeen without any wound upon his body. When his Lady witches got knowledge thereof, she blamed her principal witch, called Janet ; but she stoutly defended herself (as the devil can ever do) , and affirmed that she gave a true answer, albeit she spake not all the truth ; for she knew that he should be there dead : but that could not profit my Lady.^ She was angry and sorry for a season, but the Devil, the Mass, and witches have as great credit of her this day as they had seven years ago. '"^1""*
The Earl of Moray sent message unto the Queen of the marvellous victory, and humbly prayed her to show that obedience to God as
1 Randolph, writing to Cecil from Aberdeen at 1 1 p.m. on the night of the battle, says that Huntly, after he was taken " without either blow or stroke, being set upon horseback before him that was his taker, suddenly falleth from his horse stark dead." {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i. No. 1 148) The accounts in the Diurnal of Occurrents (74) and in Herries's Historical Memoirs (Abbotsford Club edition, 66) say that Huntly's " taker " was one Andrew Ridpath, one of the Queen's guard. Probably Huntly died of an apoplectic stroke (see Records of Aboyne, New Spalding Club, 467). For the numbers engaged in the battle, see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 305, note 28.
^ athwart
' Elizabeth Keith, sister of William, fourth Earl Marischal, and daughter of Robert, eldest son of William, third Earl Marischal.
* This marginal note is in the hand of the text ; a later caret has been added after the word " day " (folio 339 recto).
1566
62 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
publicly to convene with them to give thanks unto God for his notable deliverance. She glowmed both at the messenger and at the request, and scarcely would give a good word or blithe counte- nance to any that she knew earnest favourers of the Earl of Moray, whose prosperity was, and yet is, a very venom to her boldened heart against him for his godhness and upright plainness.^ Of many days she bare no better countenance ; whereby it might have been evidently espied that she rejoiced not greatly of the success of that matter ; and albeit she caused execute John Gordon and divers others, yet it was the destruction of others that she sought.
Upon the morrow after the discomfiture, the Lady Forbes, ^
a woman both wise and fearing God, came amongst many others
to visit the corpse of the said Earl ; and seeing him he upon the cold
stones, having only upon him a doublet of cammoise,^ a pair of
The Lady Scottish gray hose, and covered with an arras-work, she said, " What
nlr^^' stability shall we judge to be into this world? There lieth he that
words yesterday in the morning was holden the wisest, the richest, and a
man of greatest power that was within Scotland." And in very
deed she hed not ; for, in man's opinion, under a prince, there was
not such a one these three hundred years in this realm produced.
But fehcity and worldly wisdom so Winded him that in the end he
perished in them, as shall all those that despise God and trust in
themselves.
John Gordon, at his death, confessed many horrible things, devised by his father, by his brother, and by himself* There were letters found in the Earl's pocket, that disclosed the treason of the Earl of Sutherland,^ and of divers others. Mr. Thomas Keir,* who before was the whole counsellor to the Earl foresaid, disclosed whatsoever he understood might hurt the Gordons and their friends :
1 Buchanan simply says that " the Queen betrayed no symptom of joy, either in her countenance or speech " (Aikman's Buchanan, ii, 464), without directing Mary's hatred solely against Moray and his supporters.
' Elizabeth Keith, daughter of Sir William Keith of Inverugie, and wife of William, seventh Lord Forbes. It should be noted, in view of the context, that at this time no love was lost between the Gordons and the Forbescs.
' Usually a fine silken cloth {cammes), though Knox may have intended to convey the sense of a coarse cloth of rough weave {cammas) .
" For John Gordon's confessions, see Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, Nos. 1 149, 1 152.
" John, tenth Earl of Sutherland. He was later accused of treason and condemned and forfeited by Parliament in May 1563, but the forfeiture was reduced in 1567 [Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 579, c. 25). See also Fraser's Sutherland Book, i, 123-125 ; iii, 135-139, where it appears that he was rehabilitated in December 1565 and received a new charter of his Earldom in March 1566.
° In the manuscript (folio 339, verso) " keyth " has been scored through and " keir " added in the margin — possibly in Knox's own hand.
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 63
and so the treason [was] plainly disclosed, which was, that the Earl of Moray with certain others should have been murdered in Strath- bogie ; the Queen should have been taken, and kept at the devotion of the said Earl of Huntly.
These things (we say) revealed, the Queen left the North, and came to Dundee, Saint Johnston, Stirhng, and then to Edinburgh. The Earl of Huntly's body was carried about in a boat, and laid without burial in the Abbey of Holyroodhouse,^ till the day of his forfaltour,2 as after shall be declared. ^^ The Duke apprehended the Lord Gordon, his son-in-law,* because that the Qjueen had straitly commanded him so to do, if he repaired within his bounds. Before he delivered him, the Earl of Moray laboured at the Queen's hand for the safety of his life, which hardly was granted ^ ; and so was he delivered within the Castle of Edinburgh, the twenty-eighth day of November, where he remained till the eighth of February, when he 1562 was put to an assize, accused, and convicted of treason ; but was restored again, first to the Castle foresaid, and thereafter was trans- ported to Dunbar, where he remained prisoner till the month of August, the year of God 1565, as we will after hear.^
In this meantime the troubles were hot in France ; and the intelligence and outward familiarity betwix the two Queens ' was great. Lethington was directed with large commission both to the bueen of England and unto the Guisians. The marriage of our ^^^"'^
/-, 1 1 1 o • judgments
Queen was in all men's mouths. Some would have Spam ; some of the the Emperor's brother ; some Lord Robert Dudley ; some Duke de ^"^^^4? Nemours ; and some unhappily guessed at the Lord Darnley.^
' The Treasurer's Accounts give details of the expenses of bringing Huntly's body to Edinburgh and of the expenses of its rough embalment in order that it might be laid before parliament and arraigned for treason. (Accounts Lord High Treasurer, xi, 205, 226) See also Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots, 80 and supporting notes ; Itwentaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface, xxii and notes.
2 forfeiture ' Infra, 77
* George, Lord Gordon (later fifth Earl of Hundy) had married Anne, youngest daughter of the Duke of Chatelherault.
' According to Keith {History, ii, 1 80-1 81) Chatelherault had already interceded in vain. In contradistinction to Knox's statement, Moray is said to have surreptitiously obtained Mary's signature to a letter ordering Gordon's execution, but the story needs to be better authenticated (see Hay Fleming, Mary Qiieen of Scots, 306, note 32).
" But only from Knox's continuator {infra, 157)
' That is, between Mary and Elizabeth
* These " dukes, brethren to Emperors, and Kings," who were spoken of for Mary's hand were Don Carlos, son of Philip II of Spain ; the Archduke Charles of Austria, a younger son of the Emperor Ferdinand I, and brother of Maximilian II ; Robert, Lord Dudley, later Earl of Leicester ; James, Due de Nemours ; and Henry, Lord Darnley, whom Mary eventually married in 1565. See also infra, 81.
The
preachers railed upon of ^ the courtiers
The
preachers' admoni- tion after the death of the Earl Huntly
64 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
What Lethington's credit was, we know not ^ ; but short after there began much to be talked of the Earl of Lennox, and of his son, the Lord Darnley. It was said that Lethington spake the Lady Margaret Douglas, 2 and that Robert Melville ^ received a horse to the Secretary's use, from the Earl of Lennox, or from his wife. How- soever it was. Master Fowler, servant to the said Earl, came with letters to the Queen's Grace, by the which licence was permitted to the Earl of Lennox to come to Scotland, to travail in his lawful business.* That same day that the licence was granted, the said Secretary said, " This day have I taken the deadly haiterent of all the Hamiltons within Scotland, and have done unto them no less displeasure than that I had cut their throats."
The Earl Bothwell who before had broken ward, fearing appre- hension, prepared to pass to France ; but by storm of weather was driven into England, where he was stayed, and was offered to have been rendered by the Queen of England. But our Queen's answer was that he was no rebel, and therefore she requested that he should have liberty to pass where it pleaseth him. And thereto Lethington helped not a little ; for he travailed to have friends in every faction of the Court. And so obtained the said Earl licence to pass to France.
The winter after the death of the Earl of Huntly, the Court remained for the most part in Edinburgh. The Preachers were wondrous vehement in reprehension of all manner of vice, which then began to abound ; and especially avarice, oppression of the poor, excess, riotous cheer, banqueting, immoderate dancing, and whoredom, that thereof ensues. Whereat the Courtiers began to storm, and began to pick quarrels against the Preachers, alleging that all their preaching was turned to railing. Whereunto one of them * gave answer as followeth : " It comes to our ears that we are called railers, whereof albeit we wonder, yet we are not ashamed, seeing that the most worthy servants of God that before us have travailed in this vocation, have so been styled. But unto you do I say, that that same God, who from the beginning has punished the contempt of his word, and has poured forth his vengeance upon such
^ Likewise the Diurnal of Occurrents (75) reports that on 13 February 1563 Lethington went on embassy to France, " to what effect non knowis." The instructions given to Lethington for his Enghsh embassy are printed in Keith, History, ii, 188-192.
* Wife of Matthew, fourth Earl of Lennox, and mother of Darnley.
* Sir Robert Melville of Murdocairnie, later Lord Melville of Monimail.
* But Lennox did not return to Scotland until the early autumn of 1564 {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 97). ^ by • Undoubtedly Knox
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 65
proud mockers, shall not spare you ; yea, he shall not spare you before the eyes of this same wicked generation, for the pleasure whereof ye despise all wholesome admonitions. Have ye not seen one greater than any of you sitting where presently ye sit, pick his nails, and pull down his bonnet over his eyes, when idolatry, witch- ^^ntly craft, murder, oppression, and such vices were rebuked ? Was not his common talk. When those knaves have railed their fill, then will they hold their peace ? Have ye not heard it affirmed to his own face, that God should revenge that his blasphemy, even in the eyes of such as were witnesses to his iniquity ? Then was the Earl Huntly accused by you, as the maintainer of idolatry, and only hinderer of all good order. Him has God punished, even according to the threatenings that his and your ears heard ; and by your hands hath God executed his judgments. But what amendment in any case can be espied in you ? Idolatry was never in greater rest : virtue and virtuous men were never in more contempt : vice was never Let the
A 1 •It- t^orld
more bold, nor less feared punishment. And yet who guides Xht judge now. Queen and Court ? Who but the Protestants ? O horrible slanderers '5^7i. of God, and of his holy Evangel. Better it were unto you plainly to Lething- renounce Christ Jesus, than thus to expose his blessed Evangel to ^^ ^^" mockage. If God punish not you, that this same age shall see and father of behold your punishment, the Spirit of righteous judgment guides chiefs me not."
This vehemence provoked the hatterent, ^ not only of the Cour- tiers, but also of divers others against the speaker ; for such as be in credit never lack flatterers. " Their brethren of the Court were f'^^
(l^f Slice
irreverently handled. What was that, but to raise the hearts of the qfthe people against them ? They did what they might ; such speaking <=°^^tieTs would cause them do less." And this was the fruit the Preachers gathered of their just reprehensions.
The General Assembly of the Church, held the twenty-fifth of December, the year of God 1562, approached, in the which, ^ great complaints were made, that churches lacked Ministers ; that Ministers lacked their stipends ; that wicked men were permitted to be Schoolmasters, and so to infect the youth ; amongst whom
^ This marginal note (folio 341 recto) is not in the hand of the text and not in Knox's hand. The hand is that of a later commentator who also added the note on the preceding page"The preachers railed upon of the courtiers." The words" thenwas"refer, of course, to the period 1562-63. The comment " Let the world judge now, 1571 " refers to Lethington's adherence to the cause of the Queen and to his arrival in Edinburgh Castle in April of that year to join Kirkcaldy of Grange, who was then holding the Castle for Mary. * hatred ^ See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 25-30
66 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
one, Master Robert Cumin, schoolmaster in Aberbrothok, ^ was complained upon by the Laird of Dun, ^ and sentence was pronounced against him. It was further complained, that idolatry was erected in divers parts of the Realm ; for redress whereof, some thought best that new supplication should be presented to the Queen's Grace. Others demanded, what answer was received of the former ? The Superintendent of Lothian ^ confessed the deliverance of it, " But," said he, " I received no answer." It was answered for the part of the Qjueen (for her supposts * were ever there), " That it was well known to the whole Realm what troubles had occurred since the last Assembly ; and therefore that they should not wonder albeit that the Queen had not answered : but betwix that and the Parliament which was appointed in May, they doubted not but that such order should be taken as all men should have occasion to stand content." This satisfied, for that time, the whole assembly : And this was the "^he practice of the Queen and of her Council, with fair words to drive
Queen's . , ^ , . ,
practice time, as bciore we have said.
The Assembly, notwithstanding, proceeded forward in establish- ing of such orders, as whereby vice might be punished, and virtue might be maintained. And because that there was a great slander risen upon Paul Methven, of whom mention is made in the Second Book of this History,^ commission and charge was given unto John Knox, minister of Edinburgh, and unto certain of the elders of the Kirk of Edinburgh, to pass to the town of Jedburgh, where the said slander was raised, and to be found there the third of January next, for the trial to be taken in the slander raised, and to hear the articles and complaint of the said Paul ; and after the trial to report the truth to the Session of the Church of Edinburgh ; to whom, with the assistance of the Superintendent of Lothian, commission was given to decern therein. The trial and examination of that crime was difficult. The slander was universal in that town and country. The servant woman of the said Paul had betwix terms- left his house ; she had borne a child ; no father to it could she find ; but alleged herself to have been oppressed late in one evening. The said Paul constantly affirmed himself innocent, and would have given his pubhc purga- tion ; but because that his accusators had taken upon them to prove their accusation, that was denied. Many witnesses were produced, of whom some deponed so clearly that the Commissioners suspected
' Arbroath
'' John Erskine of Dun, Superintendent of Angus and Mearns
' John Spottiswoode * supporters ' Supra, i, 148
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 67
that they had been suborned, and therefore they required to have inspection of the places, where some said they saw, and some said they heard them in the very act of iniquity. The sight and con- sideration of the places augmented greatly the suspicion. But one thing was most suspicious of all others ; for the wife of the said Paul, an ancient matron, was absent from him the space of eight or nine weeks in Dundee ; which time (or at least a great part thereof) they suspected, and he lay nightly in a house, without other company than a child of seven or eight years of age.
The Judges, notwithstanding these suspicions, having a good opinion of the honesty and godhness of the man, travailed what they could (conscience not hurt) to purge him of the slander. But God, who would not that such villainy should be cloaked and concealed within his Church, otherwise had decreed ; for he brought the brother of the guilty woman to the town, having no mind of such matters, who, being produced by the accusators as one that was privy of the fact, and knew the verity with all circumstances : This witness (we say), which could not be suspected, being produced, Here the made the matter so plain and clear that all suspicion was removed ; Paul for he it was that convoyed the woman away ; he it was that caused ^^^^^^'^ the child to be baptised, alleging it to be his own : he it was that dearly carried frequent message betwix them, and from Paul carried money ^°"^" and clothes divers times. How soon that ever the said Paul saw that man produced as witness, he withdrew himself, and left the town, by that means plainly taking upon him the crime ; and so the Com- missioners with full information returned to Edinburgh, and notified the fact unto the Church, who caused publicly summon the said Paul to hear the sentence pronounced ; who not compearing, in the end, for his odious crime and contumacy, was publicly ex- communicated, and deprived of all function within the Churches of Scotland ^ : and so left he the Realm.
For two causes we insert this horrible fact, and the order kept in punishment of the same. Former, to forewarn such as travail in that vocation that, according to the admonition of the Apostle, " Such as stand, take heed lest they fall." No man in the beginning of the Evangel was judged more fervent and more upright, and yet we have heard how far Sathan has prevailed against him. God grant that we may hear of his repentance. * Neither yet ought his fall anything to prejudge the authority of the doctrine which he
' Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 31
* See ibid., 55-56, 79-81 ; and also Knox's continuator, infra, 187-188
68 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
taught ; for the doctrine of God has authority of no creature, but has the assurance of God himself, how weak or imperfect that ever the instruments be by whom it pleases God to pubhsh the same.^ The treason of Judas, the adukery of David, and the abnegation of Peter, did derogate nothing to the glory of Christ's evangel, nor yet to the doctrine which before they had taught ; but declared the one to be a reprobate, and the other to be instruments in whom mercy must needs surmount judgment. The other cause is. That the world may see what difference there is betwix light and darkness, betwix the uprightness of the Church of God, and the corruption that ringes ^ in the synagogue of Sathan, the Papistical rabble ; for how many of that sort hath been, and still remain openly known whore- mongers, adulterers, violaters of virgins, yea, and committers of such abominations as we will not name ; and yet are they called and permitted to be Bishops, Archbishops, Cardinals, and Popes them- selves. For what sins can unable ^ the sworn servants of simony, and of his father the devil ? For brag what they list of Christ, of Peter, and of Paul, their lives and conversations bear witness whom to they belong. But we return to our History of things done in Court.
Amongst the monzeons * of the Court, there was one named Monsieur Chattelett,^ a Frenchman, that at that time passed all others in credit with the Queen. In dancing of the Purpose (so term they that dance, in the which man and woman talk secretly — wise men would judge such fashions more like to the bordell ^ than to the comeliness of honest women),' in this dance the Queen chose Chatte-
Chattelett lett, and Chattelett took the Queen. Chattelett had the best dress.
'ojiten All this winter Chattelett was so familiar in the Queen's cabinet, ayre ^ and late that scarcely could any of the Nobility have access unto her. The Queen would lie upon Chattelett's shoulder, and
' sometimes privily she would steal a kiss of his neck/ And all this was
honest enough; for it was the gentle entreatment of a stranger. But the familiarity was so great that, upon a night, he privily did convoy himself under the Queen's bed ; but, being espied, he was com- manded away. But the bruit arising, the Queen called the Earl of Moray, and bursting forth in a womanly affection, charged him,
1 Though this is a different attitude from that taken against the Roman clergy in Books I, II, and III. * reigns ' disqualify ^ minions
' For a detailed analysis of the Chatelard incident see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 312, note 5. See also Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface, Ixxv, note.
* brothel ' Cf. supra, 25, 44-45 * early
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 69
" That as he loved her, he should slay Chattelett, and let him never The ^ speak word." The other, at the first, made promise so to do ; but desire after calhng to mind the judgments of God pronounced against the ^r^f"'"^ shedders of innocent blood, and also that none should die, without lett's the testimony of two or three witnesses, returned and fell upon his ^'^^ knees before the Queen, and said, " Madam, I beseech your Grace, cause not me take the blood of this man upon me. Your Grace has entreated him so familiarly before that ye have offended all your Nobility ; and now if he shall be secretly slain at your own com- mandment, what shall the world judge of it ? I shall bring him to the presence of Justice, and let him suffer by law according to his deserving." " Oh," said the Queen, " ye will never let him speak ? " " I shall do," said he, " Madam, what in me lieth to save your honour." *
Poor Chattelett was brought back from Kinghorn to Saint Andrews, examined, put to an assize, and so beheaded, the twenty- two day of February, the year of God 1562.^ He begged Hcence to write to France the cause of his death, which, said he, in his tongue, was, " Pour estre trouve en lieu trop suspect " ; that is, " Because I was found in a place too much suspect." At the place of execution, when he saw that there was no remedy but death, he made a godly confession, and granted, that his declining from the truth of God, and following of vanity and impiety, was justly recompensed upon him. But in the end he concluded, looking unto the heavens, with these words, " O cruel Dame," that is, " Cruel Mistress".^ What that complaint imported, lovers may divine. And so received Chattelett the reward of his dancing ; for he lacked his head, that his tongue should not utter the secrets of our Queen. " Deliver us, — "^ O Lord, from the rage of such inordinate rulers."
The year of God a thousand five hundred threescore three years, there was a universal dearth in Scotland. But in the northland,
' The latter part of this conversation between Mary and the Earl of Moray, and particularly Mary's insistence that Chatelard should not be allowed to speak, is probably apocryphal. Randolph, writing to Cecil on 15 February 1563, says that Moray was sent for, and Mary " incontinent commanded " him " to put his dagger" in Chatelard ; which had been done " if God had not put into his mind " to reserve him to be justified according to law. So this day [15 February] the Lord Chancellor, the Justice-Clerk, and other Councillors are sent for over the water to meet the Queen at St. Andrews. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, i, No. 11 70)
* That is, 22 February 1563
' Despite the following sentence, Knox can here be using " mistress " only in the sense of a woman who is loved and courted by a man. According to Brantome, the words spoken by Chastelard were " Adieu, the most beautiful and the most cruel Princess of the world." (Laing's Knox, ii, 369, note)
The punish- ment of God for maintain- ing and erecting of the Mass
Dearth and
famine in the north
Pasche or Easter
The
stoutness of the Protes- tants in the West
70 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
where the harvest before the Queen had travelled, there was an extreme famine, in the which many died in that country. The dearth was great over all, but the famine was principally there. The boll ^ of wheat gave six pounds ; the boll of bear, ^ six marks ^ and a half ; the boll of meal, four marks ; the boll of oats, fifty shillings ; an ox to draw in the pleuch,^ xx marks ; a wether thirty shillings. And so all things appertaining to the sustentation of man, in triple and more exceeded their accustomed prices.^ And so did God, according to the threatening of his law, punish the idolatry of our wicked Queen, and our ingratitude that suffered her to defile the land with that abomination again, that God so potently had purged by the power of his word. For the riotous feasting and excessive banqueting, used in Court and country, wheresoever that wicked woman repaired, provoked God to strike the staff of bread and to give his malediction upon the fruits of the earth. But, O alas, who looked, or yet looks to the very cause of all our calamities.
Lethington was absent, as before we have heard,^ in the Queen's affairs. The Papists, at that Pasche, anno 1563,' in divers parts of the Realm, had erected up that idol, the Mass ; amongst whom the Bishop of Saint Andrews,^ the Prior of Whithorn,^ with divers others of their faction, would avow it. Besides the first proclamation, there had letters passed in the contrary, with certification of death to the contravener.
The brethren universally offended, and espying that the Queen, by her proclamations, did but mock them, determined to put to their own hands, and to punish for example of others. And so some Priests in the westland were apprehended,^" intimation made unto others (as unto the Abbot of Crossraguel,^^ the Parson of Sanquhar, ^2 and such), that they ^^ should neither complain to Queen nor Council, but should execute the punishment that God has appointed to
' A measure for grain which, despite the Acts of 1426 {Acts Pari. Scot., ii, 12a) varied in different parts of the country. ^ barleji (of an inferior quality)
' A mark was not a coin ; it was the amount of thirteen shillings and fourpence (two- thirds of a pound). * plough
' An Act of the Privy Council of 1 1 February 1563 refers to " the tempestuous storms of the winters past " whereby the animals were lost, suffocated, or died, so that the price of meat had risen " to such extreme dearth that the like has not been seen within this realm." [Register Privy Council of Scotland, i, 235) ° Supra, 63-64
' Easter Sunday, 1 1 April * John Hamilton
" Malcolm Fleming, second son of John, second Lord Fleming
'" Randolph, writing to Cecil on i May 1563, says that at Easter five or six priests were apprehended in the West country for saying Mass and ministering to the people. {Calendar of Scottish Papers, ii, No. 6) " Quintin Kennedy
1* Mr. Robert Crichton " That is, " the brethren "
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 7 1
idolaters in his law, by such means as they might, wherever they should be apprehended.
The Queen stormed at such freedom of speaking, but she could not amend it ; for the Spirit of God, of boldness and of wisdom had not then left the most part of such as God had used instruments in the beginning. They were of one mind to maintain the truth of God, and to suppress idolatry. Particularities had not divided them ; and therefore could not the devil, working in the Queen and Papists, do then what they would ; and, therefore, she began to invent a new craft. She sent for John Knox to come unto her, where she lay at John Lochleven.^ She travailed with him earnestly two hours before htr for by the supper, that he would be the instrument to persuade the people, and ^"^^" principally the gentlemen of the West, not to put hands to punish any man for the using of themselves in their religion as pleased them. The other, perceiving her craft, willed her Grace to punish male- factors according to the laws, and he durst promise quietness upon the part of all them that professed the Lord Jesus within Scotland. But if her Majesty thought to delude the laws, he said, he feared that some would let the Papists understand that, without punishment, they should not be suffered so manifestly to offend God's Majesty.
" Will ye," quod she, " allow that they shall take my sword in Reasoning
, . , 1 T 55 betwix the
their hand ? Queen
" The Sword of Justice," quod he, " Madam, is God's, and is ^^J"^" given to princes and rulers for one end, which, if they transgress, sparing the wicked, and oppressing innocents, they that in the fear of God execute judgment where God has commanded, offend not God, although kings do it not ; neither yet sin they that bridle kings to strike innocent men in their rage. The examples are evident ; for Samuel feared not to slay Agag, the fat and delicate king of Amalek, whom king Saul had saved. Neither spared Elijah Jezebel's false prophets, and Baal's priests, albeit that king Ahab was present. Phinehas was no magistrate, and yet feared he not to strike Cozbi and Zimri in the very act of filthy fornication. And so. Madam, your Grace may see that others than chief magistrates may lawfully punish, and have punished, the vice and crimes that God commands to be punished. And in this case I would earnestly pray your Majesty to take good advisement, and that your Grace should let the Papists understand that their attemptates will not be suffered un-
' This interview probably took place in April 1563 (see Hay Fleming, Mary Queen of Scots, 523). According to Laing, Mary left Lochleven for Perth on 15 April. (Laing's Knox, ii, 371)
72 THE REFORMATION TN SCOTLAND
punished. For power, by Act of Parliament, is given to all judges within their own bounds, to search [for] massmongers, or the hearers of the same, and to punish them according to the law. And therefore it shall be profitable to your Majesty to consider what is the thing your Grace's subjects look to receive of your Majesty, and what it is that ye ought to do unto them by mutual contract. They are bound to obey you, and that not but in God. Ye are bound to keep laws unto them. Ye crave of them service : they crave of you protection and defence against wicked doers. Now, Madam, if ye shall deny your duty unto them (which especially craves that ye punish malefactors) think ye to receive full obedience of them ? I fear, Madam, ye shall not."
Herewith she, being somewhat offended, passed to her supper. The said John Knox left her, informed the Earl of Moray of the whole reasoning, and so departed of final purpose to have returned to Edinburgh, without any further communication with the Queen. But before the sun, upon the morn, were two directed (Watt Melville ' was the one) to him, commanding him not to depart while that he spake the Queen's Majesty ; which he did, and met her at the hawking be-west Kinross. Whether it was the night's sleep, or a deep dissimulation locked in her breast, that made her to forget her former anger, wise men may doubt ; but thereof she never moved word, but began divers other purposes : such as the offering of a ring to her by the Lord Ruthven,^ " Whom," said she, " I cannot love (for I know him to use enchantment), and yet is he made one of my Privy Council."
" Who blames your Grace," said the other, " thereof? "
" Lethington," said she, " was the whole cause."
" That man is absent," said he, " for this present, Madam ; and therefore I will speak nothing in that behalf."
" I understand," said the Queen, " that ye are appointed to go to Dumfries, for the election of a Superintendent to be established in those countries." /
" Yes," said he, " those quarters have great need, and some of the gentlemen so require."
" But I hear," said she, " that the Bishop of Athens ^ would be Superintendent."
' Walter Melville, a younger son of Sir John Melville of Raith and brother of Sir James Melville of Hallhill. {Scots Peerage, vi, 93)
" Patrick, third Lord Ruthven. For the giving of the ring to Mary — a little ring with a pointed diamond in it, which had a " virtue " to keep the Queen from poisoning — see Keith, History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland, Spottiswoode Soc, iii, 271.
'^ Alexander Gordon, titular Archbishop of Athens, Bishop of Galloway
THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND 73
" He is one," said the other, " Madam, that is put in election." ^
" If ye knew him," said she, " as well as I do, ye would never promote him to that office, nor yet to any other within your Kirk." 2
" What he has been," said he, " Madam, I neither know nor yet will I enquire ; for, in time of darkness, what could we do but grope and go wrong even as darkness carried us ? But if he fear not God now, he deceives many more than me. And yet (said he), Madam, I am assured God will not suffer his Church to be so far deceived as that an unworthy man shall be elected, where free election is, and the Spirit of God is earnestly called upon to decide betwix the two."
" Well," says she, "do as ye will, but that man is a dangerous The
,, Queen's
man. judgment
And therein was not the Queen deceived : for he had corrupted °^}^^ .
, . . ^ Bishop of
most part of the gentlemen, not only to nominate him, but also to Athens elect him ; which perceived by the said John [Knox], Commissioner, [he] delayed the election and left [it] with the Master of Maxwell [and] Mr. Robert Pont (who was put in election with the foresaid Bishop), to the end that his doctrine and conversation might be the better tried of those that had not known him before. And so was the Bishop frustrated of his purpose for that present. And yet was he, at that time, the man that was most familiar with the said John, in his house, and at table. But now to the former conference.
When the Queen had long talked with John Knox, and he being oft willing to take his leave, she said, " I have one of the greatest matters that have touched me since I came in this Realm to open unto you, and I must have your help into it." And she began to make a long discourse of her sister, the Lady Argyll,^ how that she was not so circumspect in all things as that she wished her to be. " And yet," said she, " my Lord, her husband, whom I love, entreats her not in many things so honestly and so godly as I think ye your- self would require."
" Madam," said he, " I have been troubled with that matter before, and once I put such an end to it (and that was before your
' See Booke of the Universall Kirk, i, 28 (29 December 1562)
^ He was the son of a natural daughter of James IV, and was thus cousin to the Queen.
^ Lady Jane Stewart, a natural daughter of James V, who had married Archibald, fifth Earl of Argyll — " a wayward and unloving wife who had forsaken her husband's home for the court of Holyrood " (Robertson, Inventaires de la Royne Descosse, Preface, xxxviii and notes). For the history of her subsequent divorce from the Earl, see Riddell, Inquiry into the Law and Practice in Scottish Peerages, i, 547-552.
74 THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND
Grace's arrival), that both she and her friends seemed fully to stand content. And she herself promised before her friends, that she should never complain to creature, till that I should first understand the controversy by her own mouth, or else [by an] assured messenger. I now have heard nothing of her part ; and therefore I think there is nothing but concord."
" Well," said the Queen, " it is war ^ than ye believe. But do this mekle ^ for my sake, as once again to put them at unity ; and if she behave not herself so as she ought to do, she shall find no favours of me. But, in anywise (said she) let not my Lord know that I have requested you in this matter, for I would be very sorry to offend him in that or any other thing. And now (said she), as touching our reasoning yesternight, I promise to do as ye required ; I shall cause summon all offenders, and ye shall know that I shall minister justice."
" I am assured then," said he, " that ye shall please God, and enjoy rest and tranquillity within your Realm ; which to your Majesty is more profitable than all the Pope's power can be." And thus